news about race in america these days is almost universally negative. longstanding wealth, income and employment gaps between whites and people of color are increasing, and tensions between police and minority communities around the country are on the rise. but many claim there<u+2019>s a glimmer of hope: the next generation of americans, they say, is <u+201c>post-racial<u+201d><u+2014>more tolerant, and therefore more capable of easing these race-based inequities. unfortunately, closer examination of the data suggests that millennials aren<u+2019>t racially tolerant, they<u+2019>re racially apathetic: they simply ignore structural racism rather than try to fix it.









in 2010, a pew research report trumpeted that <u+201c>the younger generation is more racially tolerant than their elders.<u+201d> in the chicago tribune, ted gregory seized on this to declare millennials <u+201c>the most tolerant generation in history.<u+201d> these types of arguments typically cling to the fact that young people are more likely than their elders to favor interracial marriage. but while millennials are indeed less likely than baby boomers to say that more people of different races marrying each other is a change for the worse (6 percent compared to 14 percent), their opinions on that score are basically no different than those of the generation immediately before them, the gen xers, who come in at 5 percent. on interracial dating, the trend is similar, with 92 percent of gen xers saying it<u+2019>s <u+201c>all right for blacks and whites to date each other,<u+201d> compared to 93 percent of millennials.









furthermore, these questions don<u+2019>t really say anything about racial justice: after all, interracial dating and marriage are unlikely to solve deep disparities in criminal justice, wealth, upward mobility, poverty and education<u+2014>at least not in this century. (black-white marriages currently make up just 2.2 percent of all marriages.) and when it comes to opinions on more structural issues, such as the role of government in solving social and economic inequality and the need for continued progress, millennials start to split along racial lines. when people are asked, for example, <u+201c>how much needs to be done in order to achieve martin luther king<u+2019>s dream of racial equality?<u+201d> the gap between white millennials and millennials of color (all those who don<u+2019>t identify as white) are wide. and once again, millennials are shown to be no more progressive than older generations: among millennials, 42 percent of whites answer that <u+201c>a lot<u+201d> must be done to achieve racial equality, compared to 41 percent of white gen xers and 44 percent of white boomers.









the most significant change has been among nonwhite millennials, who are more racially optimistic than their parents. (fifty-four percent of nonwhite millennials say <u+201c>a lot<u+201d> must be done, compared with 60 percent of nonwhite gen xers.) and this racial optimism isn<u+2019>t exactly warranted. the racial wealth gap has increased since the 2007 financial crisis, and blacks who graduate from college have less wealth than whites who haven<u+2019>t completed high school. a new paper by poverty experts thomas hirschl and mark rank estimates that whites are 6.74 times more likely to enter the top 1 percent of the income distribution ladder than nonwhites. and bhashkar mazumder finds that 60 percent of blacks whose parents were in the top half of income distribution end up in the bottom, compared with 36 percent of whites.









as to how well whites and nonwhites get along, only 13 percent of white millennials say <u+201c>not well at all,<u+201d> compared with 31 percent of nonwhite millennials. (thirteen percent of white gen xers and 32 percent of nonwhite gen xers agree.)









in a 2009 study using american national election studies<u+2014>a survey of americans before and after each presidential election<u+2014>vincent hutchings finds, <u+201c>younger cohorts of whites are no more racially liberal in 2008 than they were in 1988.<u+201d> my own analysis of the most recent data reveals a similar pattern: gaps between young whites and old whites on support for programs that aim to further racial equality are very small compared to the gaps between young whites and young blacks.









and even though the gaps within the millennial generation are wide, as with the pew data, there is also evidence that young blacks are more racially conservative than their parents, as they are less likely to support government aid to blacks.









spencer piston, professor at the campbell institute at syracuse university, used anes data and found a similar pattern on issues relating to economic inequality. he examined a tax on millionaires, affirmative action, a limit to campaign contributions and a battery of questions that measure egalitarianism. he says, <u+201c>the racial divide (in particular the black/white divide) dwarfs other divides in policy opinion. age differences in public opinion are small in comparison to racial differences.<u+201d> this finding is, he adds, <u+201c>consistent with a long-standing finding in political science.<u+201d> piston finds that young whites have the same level of racial stereotypes as their parents.
millennials are more racist than they think
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