Other arguments against a comprehensive nuclear-test ban can also be brought up, but all such arguments are extremely unconvincing and only reflect the desire to continue with nuclear tests for the purpose of developing new generations of nuclear arms for the arsenals on Earth and for strategic defence initiative deployments in outer space. They are based solely on the futile belief that a large-scale arms race can be$t ensure one's security. The new Soviet initiative reaffirms the readiness of the USSR to resume the nuclear-test-ban talks which were suspended by the Western side. It has also indicated its willingness to consider a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty initially to enter into effect for only three of the nuclear-weapon States if the other two should not be ready to join the treaty at this stage. More than ever, the time is ripe now for the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. This question has been the subject of discussion in various forums for more than 25 years and is the best researched problem in the field of disarmament. The draft treaty submitted by the Soviet Union in 1983 is a sound basis for negotiations. Sweden's draft treaty of the same year also contains valuable ideas on the subject. It is high time for the nuclear-weapon States which have not yet done so to demonstrate explicitly and categorically their intention of negotiating the conclusion of such a treaty, thus responding to the urgent need for a comprehensive ban on nuclear-weapon tests and to the demand of the vast majority of peoples in the world that this be done without delay. The meeting rose at 1.25 p.m. 
**Analysis**
The text discusses the possibility of a comprehensive nuclear-test ban treaty, highlighting the need for such a treaty and the reluctance of some countries to agree to it. The language used suggests a focus on international relations, disarmament, and security, rather than any of the other categories.

**Category**
International trade, Science and technology