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National World War II Memorial
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For other uses, see World War II Memorial.
World War II Memorial
Location
Washington, D.C.
Coordinates
38°53′21.84″N 77°2′25.86″W / 38.8894000°N 77.0405167°W / 38.8894000; -77.0405167Coordinates: 38°53′21.84″N 77°2′25.86″W / 38.8894000°N 77.0405167°W / 38.8894000; -77.0405167
Established
May 29, 2004
Visitors
4,410,000 (in 2005)
Governing body
National Park Service
Website
World War II Memorial
The World War II Memorial is a memorial of national significance[1][2] dedicated to Americans who served in the armed forces and as civilians during World War II. Consisting of 56 pillars and a pair of small triumphal arches surrounding a plaza and fountain, it sits on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., on the former site of the Rainbow Pool at the eastern end of the Reflecting Pool, between the Lincoln Memorial and the Washington Monument.
Opened on April 29, 2004, it was dedicated by President George W. Bush on May 29, 2004.[3] The memorial is administered by the National Park Service under its National Mall and Memorial Parks group.[4] As of 2009, more than 4.4 million people visit the memorial each year.[not verified in body]
Contents
[hide]
1 Design
1.1 Freedom Wall
2 History
2.1 Fundraising
2.2 Picking the site
2.3 Designing the memorial
3 Construction
4 Controversy
4.1 Criticism of the location
4.2 Criticism of the design and style
4.3 FDR's D-Day prayer
5 Gallery
5.1 With the Washington Monument in background
5.2 Of the Central Fountain
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Design[edit]
Aerial view of the World War II Memorial
The memorial consists of 56 granite pillars, each 17 feet (5.2 m) tall, arranged in a semicircle around a plaza with two 43-foot (13 m) triumphal arches on opposite sides. Two-thirds of the 7.4-acre (30,000 m2) site is landscaping and water. Each pillar is inscribed with the name of one of the 48 U.S. states of 1945, as well as the District of Columbia, the Alaska Territory and Territory of Hawaii, the Commonwealth of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. The northern arch is inscribed with "Atlantic"; the southern one, "Pacific." The plaza is 337 ft 10 in (102.97 m) long and 240 feet 2 inches (73.20 m) wide, is sunk 6 feet (1.8 m) below grade, and contains a pool that is 246 feet 9 inches by 147 feet 8 inches (75.2 × 45.0 m).[5]
The memorial includes two[6] inconspicuously located "Kilroy was here" engravings. Their inclusion in the memorial acknowledges the significance of the symbol to American soldiers during World War II and how it represented their presence and protection wherever it was inscribed.[7]
On approaching the semicircle from the east, a visitor walks along one of two walls (right side wall and left side wall) picturing scenes of the war experience in bas relief. As one approaches on the left (toward the Pacific arch), the scenes begin with soon-to-be servicemen getting physical exams, taking the oath, and being issued military gear. The reliefs progress through several iconic scenes, including combat and burying the dead, ending in a homecoming scene. On the right-side wall (toward the Atlantic arch) there is a similar progression, but with scenes generally more typical of the European theatre. Some scenes take place in England, depicting the preparations for air and sea assaults. The last scene is of a handshake between the American and Russian armies when the western and eastern fronts met in Germany.
Freedom Wall[edit]
Freedom Wall
The Freedom Wall is on the west side of the memorial, with a view of the Reflecting Pool and Lincoln Memorial behind it. The wall has 4,048 gold stars, each representing 100 Americans who died in the war. In front of the wall lies the message "Here we mark the price of freedom".[8]
History[edit]
View of The World War II Memorial (bottom) and the Lincoln Memorial (top) from the Washington Monument
In 1987, World War II veteran Roger Durbin approached Representative Marcy Kaptur, a Democrat from Ohio, to ask if a World War II memorial could be constructed. Kaptur introduced the World War II Memorial Act to the House of Representatives as HR 3742 on December 10. The resolution authorized the American Battle Monuments Commission (ABMC) to establish a World War II memorial in "Washington, D.C., or its environs", but the bill was not voted on before the end of the session, so it was not passed. Two more times, in 1989 and 1991, Rep. Kaptur introduced similar legislation, but these bills suffered the same fate as the first, and did not become law.
Kaptur reintroduced legislation in the House a fourth time as HR 682 on January 27, 1993, one day after Senator Strom Thurmond (a Republican from South Carolina) introduced companion Senate legislation. On March 17, 1993, the Senate approved the act, and the House approved an amended version of the bill on May 4. On May 12, the Senate also approved the amended bill, and the World War II Memorial Act was signed into law by President Bill Clinton on May 25 of that year, becoming Public Law 103-32.
Fundraising[edit]
On September 30, 1994, President Bill Clinton appointed a 12-member Memorial Advisory Board (MAB) to advise the ABMC in picking the site, designing the memorial, and raising money to build it. A direct mail fundraising effort brought in millions of dollars from individual Americans. Additional large donations were made by veterans' groups, including the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Veterans of the Battle of the Bulge and others. The majority of the corporate fundraising effort was led by two co-chairs: Senator Bob Dole, a decorated World War II veteran and 1996 Republican nominee for president; and Frederick W. Smith, the president and chief executive officer of FedEx Corporation and a former U.S. Marine Corps officer. The U.S. federal government provided about $16 million. A total of $197 million was raised.
Picking the site[edit]
On January 20, 1995, Colonel Kevin C. Kelley, project manager for the ABMC, organized the first meeting of the ABMC and the MAB, at which the project was discussed and initial plans made. The meeting was chaired by Commissioner F. Haydn Williams, chairman of ABMC's World War II Memorial Site and Design Committee, who would go on to guide the project through the site selection and approval process and the selection and approval of the Memorial's design. Representatives from the United States Commission of Fine Arts, the National Capital Planning Commission, the National Capital Memorial Commission, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, and the National Park Service attended the meeting. Selection of an appropriate site was taken on as the first action.
Over the next months, several sites were considered. Three quickly gained favor:[9][10]
U.S. Capitol Reflection Pool area – between 3rd Street and the Ulysses S. Grant Memorial
Constitution Gardens – east end, between Constitution Avenue and the Rainbow Pool
Freedom Plaza – on Pennsylvania Avenue between 14th and 15th Streets
Other sites considered but quickly rejected were:
Tidal Basin – northeast side, east of the Tidal Basin parking lot and west of the 14th Street Bridge access road
West Potomac Park – between Ohio Drive and the north shore of the Potomac River, northwest of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial
Grounds of the Washington Monument – at Constitution Avenue between 14th and 15th Streets, west of the National Museum of American History
Henderson Hall, adjacent to Arlington National Cemetery – dropped from consideration because of its unavailability
The selection of the Rainbow Pool site was announced on October 5, 1995. The design would incorporate the Rainbow Pool fountain, located across 17th Street from the Washington Monument and near the Constitution Gardens site.[11]
The location is itself a significant symbol. The memorial will be given a more prominent spot than any monument on the National Mall since the Lincoln Memorial opened in 1922. The location, between the Washington Monument and the Lincoln Memorial, represents the first addition in more than 70 years to the grand corridor of open space that stretches from the Capitol 2.1 miles west to the Potomac River.[12]
Designing the memorial[edit]
A nationwide design competition drew 400 submissions from architects from around the country. Friedrich St. Florian's initial design was selected in 1997. Over the next four years, St. Florian's design was altered during the review and approval process required of proposed memorials in Washington, D.C. Ambassador Haydn Williams guided the design development for ABMC.
St. Florian's design consists of an architectural sculpture that evokes a classical monument. The two memorial arches, Pacific and Atlantic baldacchinos each have laurel wreaths suspended in the air with 4 eagles carrying it. The chandelier sculpture symbolizes the victory of the War with the Nation's bird carrying a Grecian symbol of victory but with an American adaptation of oak laurel wreaths to symbolize strength.
Each of the 56 pillars all consists of oak laurel wreaths and wheat laurel wreath. The oak symbolizes military and industrial strength and the wheat symbolizes agricultural and breadbasket during the U.S. part in the war.
Construction[edit]
Ground was broken in September 2001. The construction was managed by the General Services Administration.
The triumphal arches were crafted by Rock of Ages Corporation. Sculptor Raymond Kaskey created the bronze eagles and wreaths that were installed under the arches, as well as 24 bronze bas-relief panels that depict wartime scenes of combat and the home front.[13] The bronzes were cast over the course of two and a half years at Laran Bronze in Chester, Pennsylvania.[14] The stainless-steel armature that holds up the eagles and wreaths was designed at Laran, in part by sculptor James Peniston,[15] and fabricated by Apex Piping of Newport, Delaware.[16]
The John Stevens Shop designed the lettering for the memorial and most of the inscriptions were hand-carved in situ.
The memorial opened to the public on April 29, 2004, and was dedicated in a May 29 ceremony attended by thousands of people. The memorial became a national park on November 1, when authority over it was transferred to the National Park Service.
In 2012, the memorial's fountain was renovated.[17]
The memorial under construction in August 2002
Controversy[edit]
Criticism of the location[edit]
Critics such as the National Coalition to Save Our Mall opposed the location of the memorial. A major criticism of the location was that it would interrupt what had been an unbroken view between the Washington Monument and the Lincoln Memorial. The memorial was also criticized for taking up open space that had been historically used for major demonstrations and protests.[18][19][20]
Washington Monument View
Critics were particularly bothered by the expedited approval process, which is considerably lengthy most of the time.[21] The United States Congress, worried that World War II veterans were dying before an appropriate memorial could be built, passed legislation exempting the World War II Memorial from further site and design review. Congress also dismissed pending legal challenges to the memorial.[22]
Criticism of the design and style[edit]
There were also aesthetic objections to the design. A critic from the Boston Herald described the monument as "vainglorious, demanding of attention and full of trite imagery."[23] The Philadelphia Inquirer argued that "this pompous style was also favored by Hitler and Mussolini"[24] (see Nazi architecture). The Washington Post described it as "overbearing", "bombastic", and a "hodgepodge of cliche and Soviet-style pomposity" with "the emotional impact of a slab of granite".[25]
Some supporters said that the design evoked federal architecture during the New Deal period, influenced by an austere interpretation of Art Deco/Beaux Arts styles.[citation needed] This view, and the monument, were dismissed by one prominent architecture critic as "knee-jerk historicism"[26]
FDR's D-Day prayer[edit]
On May 23, 2013, Senator Rob Portman introduced the World War II Memorial Prayer Act of 2013 (S. 1044; 113th Congress), a bill that would direct the United States Secretary of the Interior to install at the World War II memorial in the District of Columbia a suitable plaque or an inscription with the words that President Franklin D. Roosevelt prayed with the United States on June 6, 1944, the morning of D-Day.[27] The bill was opposed by the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Jewish Committee, Americans United for Separation of Church and State, the Hindu American Foundation, and the Interfaith Alliance.[28] Together the organizations argued that the bill "endorses the false notion that all veterans will be honored by a war memorial that includes a prayer proponents characterize as reflecting our country's 'Judeo-Christian heritage and values.'"[28] The organizations argued that "the memorial, as it currently stands, appropriately honors those who served and encompasses the entirety of the war" and was carefully created, so no additional elements, such as FDR's prayer, need to be added.[28] But, they said, "the effect of this bill, however, is to co-opt religion for political purposes, which harms the beliefs of everyone."[28] The bill passed in the United States Senate on June 5, 2014.[29]
Gallery[edit]
The southern end of the memorial, dedicated to the Pacific theater
The northern end of the memorial, dedicated to the Atlantic theater
"The Price of Freedom"
Engraving of Kilroy on the memorial
Close up of the engraving at the memorial
The Pacific Arch
A seal on the floor of the memorial using the World War II Victory Medal design
Each of the 4,048 gold stars represents 100 Americans who died during the war
The Pacific Arch (Atlantic Arch in the background)
The Atlantic Arch
View of the World War II Memorial in Washington, D.C. from the "Atlantic" arch of the memorial.
World War II Memorial (2013)
Panoramic view at night, Washington Monument in the background
National World War II Memorial
With the Washington Monument in background[edit]
The memorial, looking east in winter
Five state pillars and flag
North Carolina pillar
Pennsylvania pillar
Of the Central Fountain[edit]
Central Fountain with the Atlantic Arch in background
World War II Memorial Fountain in Washington D.C.
World War II Memorial, Fountain in the evening.
World War II Memorial
National World War II Memorial
Panoramic view
See also[edit]
List of public art in Washington, D.C., Ward 2
The National WWII Museum, in New Orleans
References[edit]
Jump up ^ http://uscode.house.gov/statutes/pl/103/32.pdf
Jump up ^ https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/16/chapter-1/subchapter-LXI
Jump up ^ National World War II Memorial
Jump up ^ World War II Memorial (U.S. National Park Service)
Jump up ^ "Memorial Design". National WWII Memorial. Retrieved 2008-07-16.
Jump up ^ http://www.waymarking.com/waymarks/WM4F0R_Kilroy_Was_Here_World_War_II_Memorial_Washington_DC
Jump up ^ "Kilroy Is Here—Can You Find Him?". The Washington Post.
Jump up ^ Knight, Christopher (2004-05-23). "A memorial to forget". Los Angeles Times. — Many sources give the number of stars as 4,000. The wall contains 23 panels of 11 columns and 16 rows of stars. The number of stars can also be counted in Image:Wwii memorial stars march 2006.jpg. See also discussion at Talk:National World War II Memorial#Number the Stars.
Jump up ^ Forgey, Benjamin (1995-07-01). "Site-seeking at the Mall: Placing World War II memorial in the grand scheme of things". The Washington Post. p. C1.
Jump up ^ Forgey, Benjamin (1995-07-28). "No Accord on WWII Memorial; Two Agencies Send Mixed Signals About Location". The Washington Post. p. B3.
Jump up ^ Forgey, Benjamin (1995-10-06). "WWII Memorial Gets Choice Mall Site; 2nd Panel Approves Location, Clearing Way for Design Phase". The Washington Post. p. B1.
Jump up ^ http://articles.latimes.com/1995-11-09/news/mn-1182_1_world-war-ii-monument
Jump up ^ WWII Memorial: The “High Point” of Raymond Kaskey’s Career - Carnegie Mellon Today
Jump up ^ "WWII MEMORIAL". Retrieved 2009-09-09.
Jump up ^ "James Peniston Sculpture: Bio". Retrieved 2008-09-09.
Jump up ^ "Building the Memorial". Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage. Smithsonian Institution. Retrieved June 22, 2016.
Jump up ^ "World War II Memorial Site Renovations". Long Fence. Retrieved April 23, 2013.
Jump up ^ Linda Wheeler and Spencer S. Hsu (17 May 2001). "Bush Backs War Memorial". Washington Post. Retrieved 5 November 2011.
Jump up ^ Fisher, Marc (4 May 2004). "A Memorial That Doesn't Measure Up". Washington Post. Retrieved 5 November 2011.
Jump up ^ "The World War II Memorial Defaces a National Treasure". National Coalition to Save Our Mall. January 2001. Retrieved 2007-06-02.
Jump up ^ Van Oss, Alex (2001-02-25). "World War II Memorial" (RealAudio). Weekend Edition Sunday. National Public Radio. Retrieved 2007-06-02.
Jump up ^ Killian, Michael (2001-05-22). "Senate OKs WWII Memorial". Chicago Tribune.
Jump up ^ Keane, Thomas M., Jr. (June 25, 2004). "WWII Memorial fails both past, present". Boston Herald. p. 27.
Jump up ^ Saffron, Inga (May 28, 2004). "Monument to Democracy, The National World War II Memorial deserves its prominent location in Washington, as a tribute to heroes and a great cause". The Philadelphia Inquirer. p. E01.
Jump up ^ Fisher, Marc (May 4, 2004). "A Memorial That Doesn't Measure Up". The Washington Post. p. B01.
Jump up ^ Ouroussoff, Nicolai, “Get Me Rewrite: A New Monument to Press Freedom”, The New York Times, April 11, 2008.
Jump up ^ "S. 1044 - Summary". United States Congress. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Letter to Chairman Udall and Ranking Member Portman" (PDF). American Civil Liberties Union. 29 July 2013. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
Jump up ^ "S. 1044 - All Actions". United States Congress. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to World War II Memorial.
NPS - National World War II Memorial
Trust for the National Mall: World War II Memorial
White House dedication
World War II Memorial Gallery
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Gadsden Purchase
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The Gadsden Purchase
The Gadsden Purchase (shown in yellow with current day state boundaries and cities)[a] The northeastern boundary was the disputed U.S.–Mexico boundary; the line shown is the unratified Bartlett–Conde compromise proposal which the Gadsden Purchase preempted.
Territorial enlargement of the United States, the Gadsden Purchase shown in red-orange
The Gadsden Purchase (known in Mexico as Spanish: Venta de La Mesilla, "Sale of La Mesilla"[2]) is a 29,670-square-mile (76,800 km2) region of present-day southern Arizona and southwestern New Mexico that the United States purchased via a treaty signed on December 30, 1853, by James Gadsden, U.S. ambassador to Mexico at that time. The U.S. Senate voted in favor of ratifying it with amendments on April 25, 1854, and then transmitted it to 14th President Franklin Pierce. Mexico's government and its General Congress or Congress of the Union took final approval action on June 8, 1854. The purchase was the last substantial territorial acquisition in the contiguous United States. The U.S. sought the land as a better route for the construction of the southern transcontinental railway line, and the financially-strapped government of Antonio López de Santa Anna agreed to the sale, which netted Mexico $10 million (equivalent to $270 million in 2017[3]). After the devastating loss of Mexican territory to the U.S. in the Mexican-American War (1846–48) and the continued filibustering by U.S. citizens, Santa Anna may have calculated it was better to yield territory by treaty and receive payment rather than have the territory simply seized by the U.S.[4]
The purchase included lands south of the Gila River and west of the Rio Grande which the U.S. acquired so that it could construct a transcontinental railroad along a deep southern route, which the Southern Pacific Railroad later completed in 1881/1883. The purchase also aimed to reconcile outstanding border issues between the U.S. and Mexico following the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the earlier Mexican–American War of 1846–1848.
As the railroad age evolved, business-oriented Southerners saw that a railroad linking the South with the Pacific Coast would expand trade opportunities. They thought the topography of the southern portion of the original boundary line to the Mexican Cession (future states of California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, western Colorado) of 1848 was too mountainous to allow a direct route. Projected southern railroad routes tended to veer to the north as they proceeded eastward, which would favor connections with northern railroads and ultimately favor northern seaports. Southerners saw that to avoid the mountains, a route with a southeastern terminus might need to swing south into what was still Mexican territory.
The administration of President Franklin Pierce, strongly influenced by Secretary of War Jefferson Davis (later President of the southern seceding Confederate States), saw an opportunity to acquire land for the railroad, as well as to acquire significant other territory from northern Mexico.[5] In the end, territory for the railroad was purchased for $10 million (equivalent to $220 million in 2016[6]), but Mexico balked at any large-scale sale of territory.[7] In the United States, the debate over the treaty became involved in the dispute over slavery, ending progress[clarification needed] before the American Civil War.
Contents
[hide]
1 Southern route for the Transcontinental Railroad
1.1 Southern commercial conventions
1.2 James Gadsden and California
1.3 Stephen Douglas and land grants
2 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
2.1 Mesilla Valley
2.2 Indian raids
2.3 Isthmus of Tehuantepec
3 Pierce administration
3.1 Gadsden and Santa Anna
3.2 Ratification
3.3 Post-ratification controversy
4 Growth of the region after 1854
4.1 Army control
4.2 Civil War
4.3 Social development
4.4 Economic development
4.5 Railroad development
5 Population
6 Cost
7 References in popular culture
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
10.1 Footnotes
10.2 Works cited
11 Further reading
12 External links
Southern route for the Transcontinental Railroad[edit]
Southern commercial conventions[edit]
Lieutenant James Gadsden, U.S. Army (1788–1858), of South Carolina, later American ambassador/minister to Mexico
In January 1845 Asa Whitney of New York state presented the United States Congress with the first plan to construct a transcontinental railroad. Although Congress took no action on his proposal, a commercial convention of 1845 in Memphis took up the issue. Prominent attendees included John C. Calhoun, Clement C. Clay, Sr., John Bell, William Gwin, and Edmund P. Gaines, but it was James Gadsden of South Carolina who was influential in the convention's recommending a southern route for the proposed railroad. The route was to begin in Texas and end in San Diego or Mazatlán. Southerners hoped that such a route would ensure southern prosperity while opening the "West to southern influence and settlement".[8]
Southern interest in railroads in general, and the Pacific railroad in particular, accelerated after the conclusion of the Mexican–American War in 1848. During that war, topographical officers William H. Emory and James W. Abert had conducted surveys that demonstrated the feasibility of a railroad's originating in El Paso or western Arkansas and ending in San Diego. J. D. B. DeBow, the editor of DeBow's Review, and Gadsden both publicized within the South the benefits of building this railroad.[9]
Gadsden had become the president of the South Carolina Canal and Rail Road Company in 1839; about a decade later, the company had laid 136 miles (219 km) of track extending west from Charleston, South Carolina, and was 3 million dollars in debt. Gadsden wanted to connect all Southern railroads into one sectional network.[10] He was concerned that the increasing railroad construction in the North was shifting trade in lumber, farm and manufacturing goods from the traditional north–south route based on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to an east–west axis that would bypass the South. He also saw Charleston, his home town, losing its prominence as a seaport. In addition, many Southern business interests feared that a northern transcontinental route would exclude the South from trade with the Orient. Other Southerners argued for diversification from a plantation economy to keep the South independent of northern bankers.[11]
In October 1849 the southern interests held a convention to discuss railroads in Memphis, in response to a convention in St. Louis earlier that fall which discussed a northern route. The Memphis convention overwhelmingly advocated the construction of a route beginning there, to connect with an El Paso, Texas to San Diego, California line. Disagreement arose only over the issue of financing. The convention president, Matthew Fontaine Maury of Virginia, preferred strict private financing, whereas John Bell and others thought that federal land grants to railroad developers would be necessary.[12]
James Gadsden and California[edit]
Gadsden supported nullification in 1831. When California was admitted to the Union as a free state in 1850, he advocated secession by South Carolina. Gadsden considered slavery "a social blessing" and abolitionists "the greatest curse of the nation".[10]
When the secession proposal failed, Gadsden worked with his cousin Isaac Edward Holmes, a lawyer in San Francisco since 1851, and California state senator Thomas Jefferson Green, in an attempt to divide California into northern and southern portions and proposed that the southern part allow slavery. Gadsden planned to establish a slave-holding colony there based on rice, cotton, and sugar, and wanted to use slave labor to build a railroad and highway that originated in either San Antonio or the Red River valley. The railway or highway would transport people to the California gold fields. Toward this end, on December 31, 1851, Gadsden asked Green to secure from the California state legislature a large land grant located between the 34th and 36th parallels, along the proposed dividing line for the two California states.[13]
A few months later, Gadsden and 1,200 potential settlers from South Carolina and Florida submitted a petition to the California legislature for permanent citizenship and permission to establish a rural district that would be farmed by "not less than Two Thousand of their African Domestics". The petition stimulated some debate, but it finally died in committee.[14]
Stephen Douglas and land grants[edit]
The Compromise of 1850, which created the Utah Territory and the New Mexico Territory, would facilitate a southern route to the West Coast since all territory for the railroad was now organized and would allow for federal land grants as a financing measure. Competing northern or central routes championed, respectively, by U.S. Senators Stephen Douglas of Illinois and Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, would still need to go through unorganized territories.[15] Millard Fillmore established a precedent for using federal land grants when he signed a bill promoted by Douglas that allowed a south to north, Mobile to Chicago railroad to be financed by "federal land grants for the specific purpose of railroad construction".[16] To satisfy Southern opposition to the general principle of federally supported internal improvements, the land grants would first be transferred to the appropriate state or territorial government, which would oversee the final transfer to private developers.[17]
By 1850, however, the majority of the South was not interested in exploiting its advantages in developing a transcontinental railroad or railroads in general. Businessmen like Gadsden, who advocated economic diversification, were in the minority. The Southern economy was based on cotton exports, and then-current transportation networks met the plantation system's needs. There was little home market for an intra-South trade. In the short term, the best use for capital was to invest it in more slaves and land rather than in taxing it to support canals, railroads, roads, or in dredging rivers.[18] Historian Jere W. Roberson wrote:[19]
“ Southerners might have gained a great deal under the 1850 land grant act had they concentrated their efforts. But continued opposition to Federal aid, filibustering, an unenthusiastic President, the spirit of "Young America", and efforts to build railroads and canals across Central America and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec in Mexico divided their forces, leaving a lot of time for the Pacific railroad. Moreover, the Compromise of 1850 encouraged Southerners not to antagonize opponents by resurrecting the railroad controversy. ”
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo[edit]
Main article: Mexican Cession
President and General Antonio López de Santa Anna, photo circa 1853
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) ended the Mexican–American War, but left issues affecting both sides that still needed to be resolved: possession of the Mesilla Valley, protection for Mexico from Indian raids, and the right of transit in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.
Mesilla Valley[edit]
The treaty provided for a joint commission, made up of a surveyor and commissioner from each country, to determine the final boundary between the United States and Mexico. The treaty specified that the Rio Grande Boundary would veer west eight miles (13 km) north of El Paso. The treaty was based on the attached 1847 copy of a twenty-five-year-old map. Surveys revealed that El Paso was 36 miles (58 km) further south and 100 miles (160 km) further west than the map showed. Mexico favored the map, but the United States put faith in the results of the survey. The disputed territory involved a few thousand square miles and about 3,000 residents; more significantly, it included the Mesilla Valley. Bordering the Rio Grande, the valley consisted of flat desert land measuring about 50 miles (80 km), north to south, by 200 miles (320 km), east to west. This valley was essential for the construction of a transcontinental railroad using a southern route.[20]
John Bartlett of Rhode Island, the United States negotiator, agreed to allow Mexico to retain the Mesilla Valley (setting the boundary at 32° 22′ N, north of the American claim 31° 52′ and at the easternmost part, also north of the Mexican-claimed boundary at 32° 15′[21]) in exchange for a boundary that did not turn north until 110° W in order to include the Santa Rita Mountains, which were believed to have rich copper deposits, and some silver and gold which had not yet been mined. Southerners opposed this alternative because of its implication for the railroad, but President Fillmore supported it. Southerners in Congress prevented any action on the approval of this separate border treaty and eliminated further funding to survey the disputed borderland. Robert B. Campbell, a pro-railroad politician from Alabama, later replaced Bartlett. Mexico asserted that the commissioners' determinations were valid and prepared to send in troops to enforce the unratified agreement.[22]
Indian raids[edit]
Then U.S. Secretary of State James Buchanan (1791–1868), who later became 15th President of the United States (1857–1861)
Article XI of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo contained a guarantee that the United States would protect Mexicans by preventing cross-border raids by local Comanche and Apache tribes. At the time the treaty was ratified, Secretary of State James Buchanan had believed that the United States had both the commitment and resources to enforce this promise.[23] Historian Richard Kluger, however, described the difficulties of the task:
Comanche, Apache, and other tribal warriors had been punishing Spanish, Mexican, and American intruders into their stark homeland for three centuries and been given no incentive to let up their murderous marauding and pillaging, horse stealing in particular. The U. S. Army had posted nearly 8,000 of its total of 11,000 soldiers along the southwestern boundary, but they could not halt the 75,000 or so native nomads in the region from attacking swiftly and taking refuge among the hills, buttes, and arroyos in a landscape where one's enemies could be spotted twenty or thirty miles away.[23]
In the five years after approval of the Treaty, the United States spent $12 million (equivalent to $270 million in 2016[6]) in this area, and General-in-Chief Winfield Scott estimated that five times that amount would be necessary to police the border. Mexican officials, frustrated with the failure of the United States to effectively enforce its guarantee, demanded reparations for the losses inflicted on Mexican citizens by the raids. The United States argued that the Treaty did not require any compensation nor did it require any greater effort to protect Mexicans than was expended in protecting its own citizens. During the Fillmore administration, Mexico claimed damages of $40 million (equivalent to $900 million in 2016[6]) but offered to allow the U.S. to buy-out Article XI for $25 million (equivalent to $540 million in 2016[6]) while President Fillmore proposed a settlement that was $10 million less (equivalent to $220 million in 2016[6]).[23]
Isthmus of Tehuantepec[edit]
Shaded relief map of Arizona
During negotiations of the treaty, Americans had failed to secure the right of transit across the 125-mile-wide (201 km) Isthmus of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico. The idea of building a railroad here had been considered for a long time, connecting the Gulf of Mexico with the Pacific Ocean. In 1842 Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna sold the rights to build a railroad or canal across the isthmus. The deal included land grants 300 miles (480 km)-wide along the right-of-way for future colonization and development. In 1847 a British bank bought the rights, raising U.S. fears of British colonization in the hemisphere, in violation of the precepts of the Monroe Doctrine. United States interest in the right-of-way increased in 1848 after the gold strikes in the Sierra Nevada, which led to the California Gold Rush.[24]
The Memphis commercial convention of 1849 recommended that the United States pursue the trans-isthmus route, since it appeared unlikely that a transcontinental railroad would be built anytime soon. Interests in Louisiana were especially adamant about this option, as they believed that any transcontinental railroad would divert commercial traffic away from the Mississippi and New Orleans, and they at least wanted to secure a southern route. Also showing interest was Peter A. Hargous of New York who ran an import-export business between New York and Vera Cruz. Hargous purchased the rights to the route for $25,000 (equivalent to $600 thousand in 2016[6]), but realized that the grant had little value unless it was supported by the Mexican and American governments.[24]
In Mexico, topographical officer George W. Hughes reported to Secretary of State John M. Clayton that a railroad across the isthmus was a "feasible and practical" idea. Clayton then instructed Robert P. Letcher, the minister to Mexico, to negotiate a treaty to protect Hargous' rights. The United States' proposal gave Mexicans a 20% discount on shipping, guaranteed Mexican rights in the zone, allowed the United States to send in military if necessary, and gave the United States most-favored-nation status for Mexican cargo fees.[25] This treaty, however, was never finalized.
The Clayton–Bulwer Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, which guaranteed the neutrality of any such canal, was finalized in April 1850. Mexican negotiators refused the treaty because it would eliminate Mexico's ability to play the US and Britain against each other. They eliminated the right of the United States to unilaterally intervene militarily. The United States Senate approved the treaty in early 1851, but the Mexican Congress refused to accept the treaty.[26]
In the meantime, Hargous proceeded as if the treaty would be approved eventually. Judah P. Benjamin and a committee of New Orleans businessmen joined with Hargous and secured a charter from the Louisiana legislature to create the Tehuantepec Railroad Company. The new company sold stock and sent survey teams to Mexico.[27] Hargous started to acquire land even after the Mexican legislature rejected the treaty, a move that led to the Mexicans canceling Hargous' contract to use the right of way. Hargous put his losses at $5 million (equivalent to $116 million in 2016[6]) and asked the United States government to intervene. President Fillmore refused to do so.[26]
Mexico sold the canal franchise, without the land grants, to A. G. Sloo and Associates in New York for $600,000 (equivalent to $14 million in 2016[6]). In March 1853 Sloo contracted with a British company to build a railroad and sought an exclusive contract from the new Franklin Pierce Administration to deliver mail from New York to San Francisco. However, Sloo soon defaulted on bank loans and the contract was sold back to Hargous.[28]
Pierce administration[edit]
The Pierce administration, which took office in March 1853, had a strong pro-southern, pro-expansion mindset. It sent Louisiana Senator Pierre Soulé to Spain to negotiate the acquisition of Cuba. Pierce appointed expansionists John Y. Mason of Virginia and Solon Borland of Arkansas as ministers, respectively, to France and Nicaragua.[29] Pierce's Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, was already on record as favoring a southern route for a transcontinental railroad, so southern rail enthusiasts had every reason to be encouraged.[30]
The South as a whole, however, remained divided. In January 1853 Senator Thomas Jefferson Rusk of Texas introduced a bill to create two railroads, one with a northern route and one with a southern route starting below Memphis on the Mississippi River.[31] Under the Rusk legislation, the President would be authorized to select the specific termini and routes as well as the contractors who would build the railroads. Some southerners, however, worried that northern and central interests would leap ahead in construction and opposed any direct aid to private developers on constitutional grounds. Other southerners preferred the isthmian proposals. An amendment was added to the Rusk bill to prohibit direct aid, but southerners still split their vote in Congress and the amendment failed.[32]
This rejection led to legislative demands, sponsored by William Gwin of California and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio and supported by the railroad interests, for new surveys for possible routes. Gwin expected that a southern route would be approved—both Davis and Robert J. Walker, former secretary of the treasury, supported it. Both were stockholders in a Vicksburg-based railroad that planned to build a link to Texas to join up with the southern route. Davis argued that the southern route would have an important military application in the likely event of future troubles with Mexico.[33]
Gadsden and Santa Anna[edit]
The Gadsden Purchase historical marker near Interstate 10
On March 21, 1853, a treaty initiated in the Fillmore administration, that would provide joint Mexican and United States protection for the Sloo grant was signed in Mexico. At the same time that this treaty was received in Washington, Pierce learned that New Mexico Territorial Governor William C. Lane had issued a proclamation claiming the Mesilla Valley as part of New Mexico, leading to protests from Mexico. Pierce was also aware of efforts by France, through its consul in San Francisco, to acquire the Mexican state of Sonora.[34]
Pierce recalled Lane in May and replaced him with David Meriwether of Kentucky. Meriwether was given orders to stay out of the Mesilla Valley until negotiations with Mexico could be completed. With the encouragement of Davis, Pierce also appointed James Gadsden to negotiate with Mexico over the acquisition of additional territory. Secretary of State William L. Marcy gave Gadsden clear instructions: he was to secure the Mesilla Valley for the purposes of building a railroad through it, convince Mexico that the US had done its best regarding the Indian raids, and elicit Mexican cooperation in efforts by US citizens to build a canal or railroad across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Supporting the Sloo interests was not part of the instructions.[35]
The Mexican government was going through political and financial turmoil. In the process, Santa Anna had been returned to power about the same time that Pierce was inaugurated. Santa Anna was willing to deal because he needed money to rebuild the Mexican Army for defense against the United States, but he initially rejected the extension of the border further south to the Sierra Madre Mountains. He initially insisted on reparations for the damages caused by American Indian raids, but agreed to let an international tribunal resolve this. Gadsden realized that Santa Anna needed money and passed this information along to Secretary Marcy.[36]
Marcy and Pierce responded with new instructions. Gadsden was authorized to purchase any of six parcels of land with a price fixed for each. The price would include the settlement of all Indian damages and relieve the United States from any further obligation to protect Mexicans. $50 million (equivalent to $1.2 billion in 2016[6]) would have bought the Baja California Peninsula and a large portion of its northwestern Mexican states while $15 million (equivalent to $350 million in 2016[6]) was to buy the 38,000 square miles (98,000 km2) of desert necessary for the railroad plans.[36]
"Gadsden's antagonistic manner" alienated Santa Anna. Gadsden had advised Santa Anna that "the spirit of the age" would soon lead the northern states to secede so he might as well sell them now. The Mexican President felt threatened by William Walker's attempt to capture Baja California with 50 troops and annex Sonora. Gadsden disavowed any government backing of Walker, who was expelled by the U.S. and placed on trial as a criminal. Santa Anna worried that the US would allow further aggression against Mexican territory. Santa Anna needed to get as much money for as little territory as possible.[2] When Great Britain rejected Mexican requests to assist in the negotiations, Santa Anna opted for the $15 million package (equivalent to $325 million in 2016[6]).[37]
Ratification[edit]
Pierce and his cabinet began debating the treaty in January 1854. Although disappointed in the amount of territory secured and some of the terms, they submitted it to the Senate on February 10.[38] Gadsden, however, suggested that northern senators would block the treaty in order to deny the South a railroad.[39]
Although signed by Pierce and Santa Anna, the treaty needed a 2/3 vote in favor of ratification in the US Senate, where it met strong opposition. Antislavery senators opposed further acquisition of slave territory. Lobbying by speculators gave the treaty a bad reputation. Some senators objected to furnishing Santa Anna financial assistance.
The treaty reached the Senate as that body focused on the debate over the Kansas–Nebraska Act. On April 17, after much debate, the Senate voted 27 to 18 in favor of the treaty, falling three votes short of the necessary two-thirds required for treaty approval. After this defeat, Secretary Davis and southern senators pressed Pierce to add more provisions to the treaty including:
protection for the Sloo grant;
a requirement that Mexico "protect with its whole power the prosecution, preservation, and security of the work [referring to the isthmian canal]";
permission for the United States to intervene unilaterally "when it may feel sanctioned and warranted by the public or international law"; and
a reduction of the territory to be acquired by 9,000 square miles (23,000 km2) and dropping the price from $15 million (equivalent to $325 million in 2016[6]) to $10 million (equivalent to $217 million in 2016[6]).
This version of the treaty successfully passed the US Senate April 25, 1854, by a vote of 33 to 12. The reduction in territory was an accommodation of northern senators who opposed the acquisition of additional slave territory. In the final vote, northerners split 12 to 12. Gadsden took the revised treaty back to Santa Anna, who accepted the changes.[40][41] The treaty went into effect June 30, 1854.[42]
While the land was available for construction of a southern railroad, the issue had become too strongly associated with the sectional debate over slavery to receive federal funding. Roberson wrote:[43]
The unfortunate debates in 1854 left an indelible mark on the course of national politics and the Pacific railroad for the remainder of the antebellum period. It was becoming increasingly difficult, if not outright impossible, to consider any proposal that could not somehow be construed as relating to slavery and, therefore, sectional issues. Although few people fully realized it at the close of 1854, sectionalism had taken such a firm, unrelenting hold on the nation that completion of an antebellum Pacific railroad was prohibited. Money, interest, and enthusiasm were devoted to emotion-filled topics, not the Pacific railroad.
—  Jere W. Roberson, The South and the Pacific Railroad, 1845–1855
The effect was such that railroad development, which accelerated in the North, stagnated in the South.[44]
Post-ratification controversy[edit]
As originally envisioned, the purchase would have encompassed a much larger region, extending far enough south to include most of the current Mexican states of Baja California, Baja California Sur, Coahuila, Chihuahua, Sonora, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. The Mexican people opposed such boundaries, as did anti-slavery US Senators, who saw the purchase as acquisition of more slave territory. Even the sale of a relatively small strip of land angered the Mexican people, who saw Santa Anna's actions as a betrayal of their country. They watched in dismay as he squandered the funds generated by the Purchase. Contemporary Mexican historians continue to view the deal negatively and believe that it has defined the American–Mexican relationship in a deleterious way.[2]
The purchased lands were initially appended to the existing New Mexico Territory. To help control the new land, the US Army established Fort Buchanan on Sonoita Creek in present-day southern Arizona on November 17, 1856. The difficulty of governing the new areas from the territorial capital at Santa Fe led to efforts as early as 1856 to organize a new territory out of the southern portion. Many of the early settlers in the region were, however, pro-slavery and sympathetic to the South, resulting in an impasse in Congress as to how best to reorganize the territory.
The shifting of the course of the Rio Grande would cause a later dispute over the boundary between Purchase lands and those of the state of Texas, known as the Country Club Dispute. Pursuant to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the Gadsden Treaty and subsequent treaties, the International Boundary and Water Commission which was established in 1889 to maintain the border, and pursuant to still later treaties its duties expanded to allocation of river waters between the two nations, and providing for flood control and water sanitation. Once viewed as a model of international cooperation, in recent decades the IBWC has been heavily criticized as an institutional anachronism, by-passed by modern social, environmental and political issues.[45]
Growth of the region after 1854[edit]
Army control[edit]
The residents of the area gained full US citizenship and slowly assimilated into American life over the next half-century.[46] The principal threat to the peace and security of settlers and travelers in the area were raids by Apache Indians. The US Army took control of the purchase lands in 1854 but not until 1856 were troops stationed in the troubled region. In June 1857 it established Fort Buchanan south of the Gila at the head of the Sonoita Creek Valley. The fort protected the area until it was evacuated and destroyed in July 1861.[47] The new stability brought miners and ranchers. By the late 1850s mining camps and military posts had not only transformed the Arizona countryside; they had also generated new trade linkages to the state of Sonora, Mexico. Magdalena, Sonora, became a supply center for Tubac, wheat from nearby Cucurpe fed the troops at Fort Buchanan, and the town of Santa Cruz sustained the Mowry mines, just miles to the north.
Civil War[edit]
In 1861, during the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America formed the Confederate Territory of Arizona, including in the new territory mainly areas acquired by the Gadsden Purchase. In 1863, using a north-to-south dividing line, the Union created its own Arizona Territory out of the western half of the New Mexico Territory. The new American Arizona Territory also included most of the lands acquired in the Gadsden Purchase. This territory would be admitted into the Union as the State of Arizona on February 14, 1912, the last area of the Lower 48 States to receive statehood.
Social development[edit]
After the Gadsden Purchase, southern Arizona's social elite, including the Estevan Ochoa, Mariano Samaniego, and Leopoldo Carillo families, remained primarily Mexican American until the coming of the railroad in the 1880s.[48] When the Sonora Exploring and Mining Company opened silver mines in southern Arizona, it sought to employ educated, middle-class Americans who shared a work ethic and leadership abilities to operate the mines. A biographical analysis of some 200 of its employees, classed as capitalists, managers, laborers, and general service personnel, reveals that the resulting work force included Europeans, Americans, Mexicans, and Indians. This mixture failed to stabilize the remote area, which lacked formal social, political, and economic organization in the years from the Gadsden Purchase to the Civil War.[49]
Economic development[edit]
From the late 1840s into the 1870s, Texas stockmen drove their beef cattle through southern Arizona on the Texas–California trail. Texans were impressed with the grazing possibilities offered by the Gadsden Purchase country of Arizona. In the last third of the century, they moved their herds into Arizona and established the range cattle industry there. The Texans contributed their proven range methods to the new grass country of Arizona, but also brought their problems as well. Texas rustlers brought lawlessness, poor management resulted in overstocking, and carelessness introduced destructive diseases. But these difficulties did force laws and associations in Arizona to curb and resolve them. The Anglo-American cattleman frontier in Arizona was an extension of the Texas experience.[50]
When the Arizona Territory was formed in 1863 from the southern portion of the New Mexico Territory, Pima County and later Cochise County—created from the easternmost portion of Pima County in January 1881—were subject to ongoing border-related conflicts. The area was characterized by rapidly growing boom towns, ongoing Apache raids, smuggling and cattle rustling across the United States-Mexico border, growing ranching operations, and the expansion of new technologies in mining, railroading, and telecommunications.
In the 1860s conflict between the Apaches and the Americans was at its height. Until 1886, almost constant warfare existed in the region adjacent to the Mexican border. The illegal cattle operations kept beef prices in the border region lower and provided cheap stock that helped small ranchers get by. Many early Tombstone residents looked the other way when it was "only Mexicans" being robbed.[51]
Outlaws derisively called "The Cowboys" frequently robbed stagecoaches and brazenly stole cattle in broad daylight, scaring off the legitimate cowboys watching the herds.[52] Bandits used the border between the United States and Mexico to raid across in one direction and take sanctuary in the other. In December 1878, and again the next year, Mexican authorities complained about the "Cowboy" outlaws who stole Mexican beef and resold it in Arizona. The Arizona Citizen reported that both U.S. and Mexican bandits were stealing horses from the Santa Cruz Valley and selling them in Sonora. Arizona Territorial Governor Frémont investigated the Mexican government's allegations and accused them in turn of allowing outlaws to use Sonora as a base of operations for raiding into Arizona.[53]
In the 1870s and 1880s there was considerable tension in the region—between the rural residents, who were for the most part Democrats from the agricultural South, and town residents and business owners, who were largely Republicans from the industrial Northeast and Midwest. The tension culminated in what has been called the Cochise County feud, and the Earp-Clanton feud, which ended with the historic Gunfight at the O.K. Corral and Wyatt Earp's Vendetta Ride.
Railroad development[edit]
Gadsden Purchase
The Southern Pacific Railroad from Los Angeles reached Yuma, Arizona, in 1877, Tucson in March 1880, El Paso in May 1881, and thus completed the second transcontinental railroad in December 1881.[54] The portion in Arizona was originally largely in the Gadsden Purchase but the western part was later rerouted north of the Gila River to serve the city of Phoenix. The portion in New Mexico runs largely through the territory that had been disputed between Mexico and the United States after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had gone into effect, and before the time of the Gadsden Purchase. The Santa Fe Railroad Company also completed a railroad across Northern Arizona, via Prescott, Winslow, Flagstaff and Kingman in August 1883.[55]
The remainder of the Gila Valley pre-Purchase border area was traversed by the Arizona Eastern Railway by 1899 and the Copper Basin Railway by 1904. Excluded was a 20-mile (32 km) section 33°06′N 110°36′W / 33.1°N 110.6°W / 33.1; -110.6 in the San Carlos Apache Indian Reservation, from today's San Carlos Lake to Winkelman at the mouth of the San Pedro River, including the Needle's Eye Wilderness.
The section of US Highway 60 about 20 miles (32 km) to the northwest, between Superior and Miami via Top-of-the-World, takes an alternate route (17.4 road miles) between the Magma Arizona Railroad and the Arizona Eastern Railway railheads on each side of this gap. This highway is well north of the Gadsden Purchase.[56][57] Given the elevations of those three places, at least a 3% grade would have been required.
Population[edit]
Sunland Park (pop. 13,309 in 2000), a suburb of El Paso, Texas, in Doña Ana County, New Mexico, is the largest community of New Mexico in the Gadsden Purchase. Lordsburg, New Mexico (pop. 3,379 in 2000), the county seat of Hidalgo County, was in the disputed area before the Gadsden Purchase, and Deming, New Mexico, the county seat of Luna County, was north of both the Mexican and American land claims before the Gadsden Purchase, though the proposed Bartlett–Conde compromise of 1851 would have left it in Mexico.[58]
The boundaries of most counties in Arizona do not follow the northern boundary of the Gadsden Purchase, but six counties in Arizona do have most of their populations within the land of the Gadsden Purchase. Four of these also contain areas north of the Gadsden Purchase, but these areas do have low population densities, with the exception of northeastern Pinal County, Arizona, including the towns of Apache Junction and Florence. Maricopa County also extends south into the area of the Gadsden Purchase, but this area is also thinly populated. Tucson is the largest city in the Gadsden Purchase.
County
Seat
Pop.
Area (mi²)
Cochise Bisbee 131,346 6,219
Graham Safford 37,220 4,641
Pima Tucson 980,263 9,189
Pinal Florence 375,770 5,374
Santa Cruz Nogales 47,420 1,238
Yuma Yuma 195,751 5,519
Total 1,767,770 32,180
The northmost point of the Gadsden Purchase, and also along the American–Mexican border during the period of 1848–53, is at approximately 33°23′30″N 112°23′0″W / 33.39167°N 112.38333°W / 33.39167; -112.38333 in the town of Goodyear, Arizona, about 30 miles (48 km) southwest of Phoenix.
Cost[edit]
David R. Barker of the University of Iowa estimated in 2009 that the Gadsden Purchase was likely not profitable for the United States. The region produces little tax revenue; most mines are on Indian reservations which receive all royalties. The federal government spent much money during the 19th century to defend the territory from Apaches that would not have been necessary without the purchase.[59]
References in popular culture[edit]
The consequences the Gadsden Purchase brought to Mexicans and Native Americans living in the region form the background of the story in the film Conquest of Cochise (Columbia, 1953).
The United States Post Office Department issued a postage stamp commemorating the Gadsen Purchase on December 30, 1953.[60]
See also[edit]
Butterfield Overland Mail
Historic regions of the United States
Mexico–United States border
Republic of Sonora
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The Purchase treaty defines the new border as "up the middle of that river to the point where the parallel of 31° 47' north latitude crosses the same 31°47′0″N 106°31′41.5″W / 31.78333°N 106.528194°W / 31.78333; -106.528194; thence due west one hundred miles; thence south to the rallel of 31° 20' north latitude; thence along the said parallel of 31° 20' to the 111th meridian of longitude west of Greenwich 31°20′N 111°0′W / 31.333°N 111.000°W / 31.333; -111.000; thence in a straight line to a point on the Colorado River twenty English miles below the junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers; thence up the middle of the said Colorado river until it intersects the present line between the United States and Mexico". The new border included a few miles of the Colorado River at the western end; the remaining land portion consisted of line segments between points, including 32°29′38″N 114°48′47″W / 32.49399°N 114.813043°W / 32.49399; -114.813043 at the Colorado River, west of Nogales at 31°19′56″N 111°04′27″W / 31.33214°N 111.07423°W / 31.33214; -111.07423, near Arizona-New Mexico-Mexico tripoint at 31°19′56″N 109°03′02″W / 31.332099°N 109.05047°W / 31.332099; -109.05047, the eastern corners of the New Mexico southern boot heel (Hidalgo County) at 31°47′02″N 108°12′31″W / 31.78378°N 108.20854°W / 31.78378; -108.20854, and the west bank of the Rio Grande river at 31°47′02″N 106°31′43″W / 31.78377°N 106.52864°W / 31.78377; -106.52864.[1]
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ Pierce, Franklin & Marcy, William L. (December 30, 1853). "Gadsden Purchase Treaty". United States Department of State. Retrieved October 10, 2008 – via The Avalon Project, Yale University.
^ Jump up to: a b c Ibarra, Ignacio (February 12, 2004). "Land sale still thorn to Mexico: Historians say United States imperialism behind treaty". Arizona Daily Star. Archived from the original on May 3, 2007. Retrieved October 4, 2007.
Jump up ^ Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Community Development Project. "Consumer Price Index (estimate) 1800–". Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. Retrieved January 2, 2018.
Jump up ^ Deeds, Susan M. (1996). "Gadsden Purchase". Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture. Vol. 3. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. pp. 1–2.
Jump up ^ Nevins (1947), p. 84.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m Thomas, Ryland; Williamson, Samuel H. (2018). "What Was the U.S. GDP Then?". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved January 5, 2018. United States Gross Domestic Product deflator figures follow the Measuring Worth series.
Jump up ^ Gadsden Purchase, 1853–1854 U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), pp. 163–164
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 165.
^ Jump up to: a b Richards (2007), p. 125.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 485.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 166.
Jump up ^ Richards (2007), p. 126.
Jump up ^ Richards (2007), p. . 127.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 487; Roberson (1974), p. 169.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 168.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 487.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 488.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 169.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 491.
Jump up ^ Griswold del Castillo, Richard (1990). The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: A Legacy of Conflict. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0806122403. Retrieved May 28, 2011.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), pp. 491–492; Roberson (1974), p. 171.
^ Jump up to: a b c Kluger (2007), p. 492.
^ Jump up to: a b Roberson (1974), p. 182; Kluger (2007), p. 493.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), pp. 493–494; Roberson (1974), p. 182.
^ Jump up to: a b Kluger (2007), p. 494.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 182.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), pp. 494–495.
Jump up ^ Nevins (1947), p. 48.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 170.
Jump up ^ Mauck, Jeffrey Gordon (1991). The Gadsden Treaty: The Diplomacy of Transcontinental Transportation (PhD dissertation). Indiana University. DAI 1992 52(9): 3405-A. DA9205951.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), pp. 170–171.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 172; Kluger (2007), p. 490.
Jump up ^ Nichols (1969), p. 265.
Jump up ^ Nichols (1969), p. 266; Kluger (2007), p. 496; Roberson (1974), p. 183.
^ Jump up to: a b Kluger (2007), pp. 497–498.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), pp. 498–499.
Jump up ^ Nichols (1969), p. 325.
Jump up ^ "Pacific Railroad: Southern Plan". The New York Times. April 25, 1854. Retrieved November 4, 2016.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), pp. 502–503.
Jump up ^ Potter, David N. (1977). The Impending Crisis 1848–1861. New York: Harper Torchbooks. p. 183. ISBN 9780061319297.
Jump up ^ Garber, Paul Neff (1923). The Gadsden Treaty (Thesis). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.
Jump up ^ Roberson (1974), p. 180.
Jump up ^ Kluger (2007), p. 504.
Jump up ^ McCarthy, Robert J. (May 12, 2011). "Adaptive Treaty Interpretation, and the International Boundary and Water Commission". Water Law Review. SSRN 1839903  .
Jump up ^ Goldstein, Marcy Gail (1977). Americanization and Mexicanization: The Mexican Elite and Anglo-Americans in the Gadsden Purchase Lands, 1853–1880 (PhD dissertation). Case Western Reserve University. DAI 1977 38(3): 1572-1573-A.
Jump up ^ Sacks, Ben (1965). "The Origins of Fort Buchanan: Myth and Fact". Arizona and the West. Vol. 7 no. 3. pp. 207–226. ISSN 0004-1408.
Jump up ^ Sheridan, Thomas E. (1984). "Peacock in the Parlor: Frontier Tucson's Mexican Elite". Journal of Arizona History. Vol. 25 no. 3. pp. 245–264. ISSN 0021-9053.
Jump up ^ North, Diane (1984). "'A Real Class of People' in Arizona: a Biographical Analysis of the Sonora Exploring and Mining Company, 1856–1863". Arizona and the West. Vol. 26 no. 3. pp. 261–274. ISSN 0004-1408.
Jump up ^ Wilson, James A. (1967). "West Texas Influence on the Early Cattle Industry of Arizona". Southwestern Historical Quarterly. Vol. 71 no. 1. pp. 26–36. ISSN 0038-478X.
Jump up ^ "History of Old Tombstone". Discover Arizona. Retrieved February 7, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Tombstones O.K. Corral 2". The Old West History Net. Archived from the original on June 16, 2011. Retrieved May 5, 2011.
Jump up ^ Ball, Larry D. (Autumn 1973). "Pioneer Lawman: Crawley P. Dake and Law Enforcement on the Southwestern Frontier". The Journal of Arizona History. Vol. 14 no. 3. Arizona Historical Society. pp. 243–256. JSTOR 41695121.
Jump up ^ Devine, David (2004). Slavery, Scandal, and Steel Rails: The 1854 Gadsden Purchase and the Building of the Second Transcontinental Railroad Across Arizona and New Mexico Twenty-Five Years Later. New York: iUniverse.
Jump up ^ "Second Transcontinental Line brings competition". Railswest.com. Retrieved May 28, 2011.
Jump up ^ Pearsall, Marc (2002). Railroads of Arizona (PDF) (Map). Scale not given. Chandler: Arizona Railway Museum. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
Jump up ^ DeskMap Systems (2005). Arizona Eastern Railway (PDF) (Map). Scale not given. Austin, TX: DeskMapSystems. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 3, 2006. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
Jump up ^ https://nmgs.nmt.edu/publications/guidebooks/downloads/20/20_p0040_p0055.pdf
Jump up ^ "Researcher's analysis shows buying Alaska no sweet deal for American taxpayers" (Press release). University of Iowa. 2009-11-06. Retrieved 2018-01-20.
Jump up ^ "Gasden Purchase". U.S. Stamp Gallery. Retrieved October 9, 2017.
Works cited[edit]
Kluger, Richard (2007). Seizing Destiny: How America Grew From Sea to Shining Sea. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-375-41341-4.
Nevins, Allan (1947). Ordeal of the Union: A House Dividing 1852–1857. SBN 684-10424-5.
Nichols, Roy Franklin (1969). Franklin Pierce: Young Hickory of the Granite Hills (2nd ed.). SBN 8122-7044-4.
Richards, Leonard L. (2007). The California Gold Rush and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-307-26520-X.
Roberson, Jere W. (April 1974). "The South and the Pacific Railroad, 1845–1855". The Western Historical Quarterly. Vol. 5 no. 2. pp. 163–186. JSTOR 967035.
Further reading[edit]
Terrazas, Marcela (2001). "The Regional Conflict, the Contractors, and the Construction Projects of a Road to the Pacific at the End of the War Between Mexico and the United States". Journal of Popular Culture. Vol. 35 no. 2. pp. 161–169. ISSN 0022-3840. stresses railroad speculation and corruption themes
Truett, Samuel (2004). "The Ghosts of Frontiers Past: Making and Unmaking Space in the Borderlands". Journal of the Southwest. Vol. 46 no. 2. pp. 309+ – via Questia.
Vázquez, Josefina Z. & Meyer, Lorenzo (1985). The United States and Mexico.
External links[edit]
US Geological Survey USGS Public Lands Survey Map including survey township (6 mile) lines.
Map of proposed Arizona Territory. From explorations by A. B. Gray & others, to accompany memoir by Lieut. Mowry U.S. Army, Delegate elect. with some proposed railroad routes Medium-sized JPG Zoom navigator
National Park Service Map including route of the Southern Pacific railroad finally built in the 1880s.
Gadsden Purchase, 1853–1854, Office of the Historian, US Department of State
3-cent commemorative stamp showing small version of northeast boundary of Purchase—i.e. claiming more territory for US pre-Purchase.
"Gadsden Purchase, The". New International Encyclopedia. 1906.
Map of North America at the time of the Gadsden Purchase at omniatlas.com
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