text:
Police caution
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For the statement of rights read before an arrest, see Right to silence.
A police caution is a formal alternative to prosecution in minor cases, administered by the police in England and Wales. It is commonly used to resolve cases where full prosecution is not seen as the most appropriate solution.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Purpose
2 Types of cautions
3 Circumstances for use
4 Administration
5 Duration
6 History
7 See also
8 Notes
Purpose[edit]
A police caution (since 2005 more properly known as a simple caution)[2] is a formal warning given by the police to anyone aged 10 years or over and who has admitted that they are guilty of a minor crime. A person who does not agree can be prosecuted.
A police caution as a non-statutory disposal of an offence should not be confused with the caution used for the purpose of advising a suspect of their right to silence.[3]
The aims of the formal police caution[4][5] are:
to offer a proportionate response to low-level offending where the offender has admitted the offence;
to deliver swift, simple and effective justice that carries a deterrent effect;
to record an individual's criminal conduct for possible reference in future criminal proceedings or in criminal record or other similar checks;
to reduce the likelihood of re-offending;
to increase the amount of time officers spend dealing with more serious crime and reduce the amount of time police officers spend completing paperwork and attending court, whilst simultaneously reducing the burden on the courts;
Types of cautions[edit]
As a result of changes made by the Criminal Justice Act 2003, cautions can be administered in two forms: as a simple caution or as a conditional caution, the latter of which has specific conditions attached that the offender must satisfy—attending a course aimed at targeting offending behaviour, for example. The Home Office has released guidance to the police and prosecutors on the use of the simple caution.[6][7]
Although a caution is not a conviction, it forms a part of a person's criminal record and can be used as evidence of bad character if a person is prosecuted for another crime,[4][8] and Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) checks (previously called Criminal Records Bureau (CRB) checks) for certain types of employment.[2] A caution might cause some countries not to allow visits to, or residence in, that country.[2]
Circumstances for use[edit]
In order to safeguard the offender's interests, the following conditions must be met before a caution can be administered:
there must be reasonable suspicion to believe an offence has been committed
the offender must admit that they are guilty of the offence
the offender must understand the significance of a caution and give informed consent to being cautioned.
Where the available evidence does not meet the standard normally required to bring a prosecution, a caution cannot be administered. A caution will not be appropriate where a person does not make a clear and reliable admission of the offence (for example if intent is denied or there are doubts about his mental health or intellectual capacity).
Cautions are typically administered in the case of an offence that is triable summarily or either-way.[9] The Ministry of Justice recommends that the decision to offer a simple caution for the most serious of offences (an indictable only offence, an either-way offence routinely dealt with at the Crown Court or any offence which the sentencing guidelines indicate has a starting point at high level community order or sentence of imprisonment) is taken only in exceptional circumstances.[4]
People aged 17 or under may receive a youth caution where the following conditions are met:
there must be evidence that the offender has committed an offence;
the quality of the evidence must be sufficient to give a realistic prospect of conviction;
the offender must admit the offence;
the offender must have no previous convictions;
a prosecution of the offence would not be in the public interest.
On 13 April 2015,[10] the Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 implemented restrictions on the use of cautions by the police:[11]
for indictable offences, they may be used only in exceptional circumstances, and then only with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions;
for specified either-way offences,[12] only "in exceptional circumstances relating to the person or the offence;"
for summary offences and all other either-way offences, where a person has been convicted or cautioned in the previous two years for a similar offence, only "in exceptional circumstances relating to the person, the offence admitted or the previous offence;" and
only a police officer at or above a minimum rank specified by order[13] may determine where exceptional circumstances and similar offences exist.
Administration[edit]
There is no statutory basis for the formal caution, it is a discretionary procedure adopted by the police under Home Office guidance.[2]
Only the police have the power to administer a caution. The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) does, however, have a role to play in helping the police to ensure that the Ministry of Justice guidelines contained within the Guidance are applied consistently and fairly.[14]
CPS officers are instructed to refer to the police any case in which they consider a caution is the appropriate way of handling the offence. Where the CPS remains satisfied that a caution is appropriate but the police refuse to administer one, the CPS guidance recommends that the case is not accepted for the prosecution.
Duration[edit]
Per the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974, simple cautions, reprimands and final warnings become spent (meaning that they do not need to be disclosed, unless applying for particular types of work) immediately, and conditional cautions become spent after 3 months.[15]
Cautions will appear on a DBS certificate until 6 years have passed (or 2 years if the person was under 18 at the time of caution) provided the offence is not on the prescribed list of offences that will never be filtered from a criminal record check.[16]
All information relating to simple cautions (as well as convictions) issued for a recordable offence is retained on the Police National Computer (PNC). Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) guidelines set out how long this information will be retained for. The information is kept for police operational reasons and in the interest of prevention and detection of crime.[4]
History[edit]
It is likely the practice of using police cautions began early in the nineteenth century. In the 1920s written warnings started being given for motoring offences. In 1928 the Home Office published statistics on cautions, and by 1931 was giving advice on the wording of cautions.[2]
In 1959 the Street Offences Act made a provision for removing cautions from criminal records. In 1962 Royal Commission on the Police noted concerns about the uneven enforcement of cautions. In 1978 the Home Office issued its first circular to bring about consistency in the use of cautions for juveniles, and in 1985 for adults.[2]
From 1995 cautions were recorded on the Police National Computer, and it was recommended that cautions should be retained for 5 years, though each police force could follow its own guidelines. The 1997 Police Act made provision for disclosing cautions to employers of those who might have unsupervised contact with children.[2]
The Criminal Justice Act 2003 introduced the concept of statutory Conditional Cautions.[2]
By the early 2000s police forces were given targets for the number of offences brought to justice. As giving a caution was a way of bringing an offence to justice more easily than going to court, in some policing areas the number of cautions given increased to about 30% of all offences brought to justice.[2]
In 2006 new guidelines were issued for the retention of records until the subject reached 100 years of age, but after 5 or 10 years, depending on the severity of the offence, they would only be used for DBS checks.[2]
In 2008 a Home Office circular made clear suspects must receive a written explanation of the implications before accepting a caution, to meet the informed consent obligation, and provided a new form to be signed by the offender which explained in considerable detail the consequences.[2]
In recent years a lower level resolution of offences has often been used by police forces in England and Wales instead of a caution. This is usually called a 'community resolution' and invariably requires less police time as offenders are not arrested. A community resolution does not require any formal record but the offender should admit the offence and the victim should be happy with this method of informal resolution. Concerns have been expressed over the use of community resolution for violent offences, in particular 'domestic violence'.[17]
See also[edit]
Right to silence in England and Wales
Warning (traffic stop)
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Walker, Peter (18 June 2013). "Charles Saatchi case: what is a police caution?".
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k R (on the Application of Stratton) v Chief Constable of Thames Valley Police [2013] EWHC 1561 (Admin) (7 June 2013)
Jump up ^ A police caution administered to a suspect upon arrest or prior to questioning them about their involvement in a suspected offence may be phrased as: "You do not have to say anything but it may harm your defence if you do not mention, when questioned, something which you later rely on in court. Anything you do say may be given in evidence."
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Ministry of Justice Guidance" (PDF). Simple Cautions for Adult Offenders. Ministry of Justice. April 2013.
Jump up ^ "Penalty notices for disorder: guidance for police officers". Ministry of Justice. 24 June 2014.
Jump up ^ Home Office Circular[permanent dead link] Simple Cautioning of Adult Offenders
Jump up ^ Home Office Simple Caution explained leaflet
Jump up ^ "Police cautions, warnings and penalty notices - GOV.UK".
Jump up ^ Guidance to Police Officers and Crown Prosecutors Issued by the Director of Public Prosecutions, section 9.1 "Where the police consider that the Threshold Test is met in a case, other than an indictable only offence, and determine that it is in the public interest instead to administer a simple caution, or to administer a reprimand or final warning in the case of a youth, the police may issue that caution, reprimand or final warning as appropriate, without referring the case to a Crown Prosecutor."
Jump up ^ UK Parliament. The Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 (Commencement No. 1, Saving and Transitional Provisions) Order 2015 as made, from legislation.gov.uk.
Jump up ^ CJCA 2015, s. 17
Jump up ^ UK Parliament. The Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 (Simple Cautions) (Specification of Either-Way Offences) Order 2015 as made, from legislation.gov.uk.
Jump up ^ UK Parliament. The Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 (Simple Cautions) (Specification of Police Ranks) Order 2015 as made, from legislation.gov.uk.
Jump up ^ The Crown Prosecution Service. "Guidance - Ministry of Justice - Simple Caution for Adult Offenders - 8 April 2013". Retrieved 18 June 2013.
Jump up ^ What is the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974? Archived 2012-08-13 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "DBS Filtering Guide". gov.uk. The Disclosure and Barring Service. Retrieved 13 November 2014.
Jump up ^ 'community resolutions are being abused' '10,000 attackers 'let off' under coalition- Cooper' 'Labour may make domestic violence a specific crime' The Guardian 28 July 2014
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text:
Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Hindus of the Kashmir Valley, a large majority of whom were Kashmiri Pandits, were forced to flee the Kashmir valley as a result of terrorism, on or after 20 January 1990.[1][2] Of the approximately 160,000–170,000 Pandits living in the Kashmir Valley in 1990,[3] only 4,000–5,000 remain there.[4]
According to Indian government, more than 60,000 families are registered as Kashmiri refugees including some Sikh and Muslim families.[5] Most families were resettled in Jammu, National Capital Region surrounding Delhi and other neighbouring states.[6] In 2016, only 2,764 Kashmiri Hindus were left in Kashmir Valley.[7]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Turmoil, Induction of fear and Exodus
3 Aftermath
4 Recent developments
5 See also
6 References
7 Bibliography
8 External links
Background[edit]
Increasing anti-Indian forms of protests took place in Kashmir in the 1980s. The Soviet-Afghan jihad, armed struggle of the Sikhs in Punjab against the Indian state and the Islamic Revolution in Iran were becoming sources of inspiration for large numbers of Kashmiri Muslim youth. The state authorities responded with increasing use of brute force to simple economic demands. Both the pro-Independence Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and the pro-Pakistan Islamist groups including JIJK mobilised the fast growing anti-Indian sentiments among the Kashmiri population. The year of 1984 saw a pronounced rise in terrorist violence in Kashmir. When militant of Kashmir Liberation Front, Maqbool Bhat was executed in February 1984, strikes and protests by Kashmiri nationalists broke out in the region, where large number of Kashmiri youth participated in widespread anti India demonstrations, which faced heavy handed reprisals by Indian state forces.[8][9] Critics of the then Chief Minister, Farooq Abdullah, charged that Abdullah was losing control. His visit to Pakistan administered Kashmir during then became an embarrassment, where according to Hashim Qureshi, he shared a platform with Kashmir Liberation Front. Though Abdullah asserted that he went on behalf on Indira Gandhi and his father, so that sentiments there could "be known first hand", few people believed him. There were also allegations that he had allowed Khalistan terrorist groups to train in Jammu province, although those allegations were never proved. On July 2, 1984, Ghulam Mohammad Shah, who had support from Indira Gandhi, replaced his brother-in-law Farooq Abdullah and became the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, after Abdullah was dismissed, in what was termed as a political "coup".[9] Shah's administration, which did not have people's mandate, turned to Islamists and opponents of India, notably the Molvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, Mohammad Shafi Qureshi and Mohinuddin Salati, to gain some legitimacy through religious sentiments. This gave political space to Islamists who previously lost overwhelmingly in the 1983 state elections.[9] In 1986, Shah decided to construct a mosque within the premises of an ancient Hindu temple inside the New Civil Secretariat area in Jammu to be made available to the Muslim employees for 'Namaz'. People of Jammu took to streets to protest against this decision, which led to a Hindu-Muslim clash.[10] In February 1986, Gul Shah on his return to Kashmir valley retaliated and incited the Kashmiri Muslims by saying Islam khatrey mein hey (trans. Islam is in danger). As a result, Kashmiri Pandits were targeted by the Kashmiri Muslims. Many incidents were reported in various areas where Kashmiri Hindus were killed and their properties and temples damaged or destroyed. The worst hit areas were mainly in South Kashmir and Sopore. In Vanpoh, Lukbhavan, Anantnag, Salar and Fatehpur, Muslim mobs plundered or destroyed the properties and temples of Hindus. During the Anantnag riot in February 1986, although no Hindu was killed, many houses and other properties belonging to Hindus were looted, burnt or damaged.[11] An investigation of Anantnag riots revealed that members of the 'secular parties' in the state, rather than the Islamists, had played a key role in organising the violence to gain political mileage through religious sentiments. Shah called in the army to curb the violence, but it had little effect. His government was dismissed on March 12, 1986, by the then Governor Jagmohan following communal riots in south Kashmir. This led Jagmohan to rule the state directly. The political fight was hence being portrayed as a conflict between "Hindu" New Delhi (Central Government), and its efforts to impose its will in the state, and "Muslim" Kashmir, represented by political Islamists and clerics.[12]
The Islamists had organised under a banner named Muslim United Front, with manifesto to work for Islamic unity and against political interference from the centre, and contested the 1987 state elections, in which they lost again. However, the 1987 elections were widely believed to be rigged so as to bring the secular parties (NC and INC) in Kashmir at the forefront, and this caused the insurgency in Kashmir.[13][14][15][16] The Kashmiri militants killed anyone who openly expressed pro-India policies. Kashmiri Pandits were targeted specifically because they were seen as presenting Indian presence in Kashmir because of their faith.[17] Though the insurgency had been launched by JKLF, groups rose over the next few months advocating for establishment of Nizam-e-Mustafa (Rule of Allah). The Islamist groups proclaimed the Islamicisation of socio-political and economic set-up, merger with Pakistan, unification of ummah and establishment of an Islamic Caliphate. Liquidation of central government officials, Pandits, liberal and nationalist intellectuals, social and cultural activists was described as necessary to rid the valley of un-Islamic elements.[18] The relations among the semi-secular and Islamists groups were generally poor and often hostile. The JKLF had also utilized Islamic formulations in its mobilization strategies and public discourse, using Islam and independence interchangeably. It demanded equal rights for everyone however this had a distinct Islamic flavor as it sought to establish an Islamic democracy, protection of minority rights per Quran and Sunnah and an economy of Islamic socialism. The pro-seperatist political practices at times deviated from their stated secular position.[19][20]
Turmoil, Induction of fear and Exodus[edit]
In July 1988, the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front began a separatist insurgency for independence of Kashmir from India.[21] The group targeted a Kashmiri Hindu for the first time on September 14, 1989, when they killed Pandit Tika Lal Taploo, an advocate and a prominent leader of Bharatiya Janata Party in Jammu & Kashmir in front of several eyewitnesses. This instilled fear in the Kashmiri Pandit community especially as Taploo's killers were never caught which also emboldened the terrorists. The Pandits felt that they weren't safe in the valley and could be targeted any time. The killings of Kashmiri Hindus continued that included many of the prominent ones.[22] On January 4, 1990, a local Urdu newspaper, Aftab, published a press release issued by Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, asking all Pandits to leave the Valley immediately. Another local paper, Al Safa, repeated this expulsion order. Explosive and inflammatory speeches were being broadcast from the public address systems of the mosques, became frequent.[23][24][22] The sense of vulnerabity and insecurity was excabberated by attacks on prominent Hindu politicians, postings of hit lists with names of specific Hindu individuals and various violent episodes in Srinagar and other places.[25]
In order to undermine his political rival Farooq Abdullah who at that time was the Chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, the Minister of Home Affairs Mufti Mohammad Sayeed convinced Prime Minister V.P. Singh to appoint Jagmohan as the governor of the state. Abdullah resented Jagmohan who had been appointed as the governor earlier in April 1984 as well and had recommended Abdullah's dismissal to Rajiv Gandhi in July 1984. Mufti was convinced that such a move will irritate Abdullah and make him quit. Abdullah had earlier declared that he would resign if Jagmohan was made the Governor. However, the Central government went ahead and appointed him as Governor on 19 January 1990. In response, Abdullah resigned on the same day and Jagmohan suggested the dissolution of the State Assembly. On 21 January 1990, two days after Jagmohan took over as governor, the Gawkadal massacre took place in Srinagar, in which the Indian security forces had opened fire on protesters, leading to the death of at least 50 people, and likely over 100. These events led to chaos. Lawlessness took over the valley and the crowd with slogans and guns started roaming around the streets. News kept coming of violent incidents and those Hindus who survived the night saved their lives by traveling out of the valley.[26][27][24]
Most of the Kashmiri Hindus left Kashmir valley and moved to other parts of the country, majorly to the refugee camps in Jammu region of the state.[28]
According to scholar Mridu Rai a number of factors mean that the experience of Pandits cannot be classified as a genocide and that there is also no evidence that Kashmiri Muslims ever ″denied humanity″ to the Kashmiri Pandits.[29]
Aftermath[edit]
The militancy in Kashmir had increased after the exodus. The militants had targeted the properties of Kashmiri Pandits after their exodus.[30][31] In 2009 Oregon Legislative Assembly passed a resolution to recognise 14 September 2007, as Martyrs Day to acknowledge ethnic cleansing and campaigns of terror inflicted on non-Muslim minorities of Jammu and Kashmir by militant seeking to establish an Islamic state.[32]
Kashmiri Hindus continue to fight for their return to the valley and many of them live as refugees.[33] The exiled community had hoped to return after the situation improved. They have not done so because the situation in the Valley remains unstable and they fear a risk to their lives. Most of them lost their properties after the exodus and many are unable to go back and sell them. Their status as displaced people has adversely harmed them in the realm of education. Many Pandit families could not afford to send their children to well regarded public schools. Furthermore, Pandits faced institutional discrimination by predominantly Muslim state bureaucrats. As a result of the inadequate ad hoc schools and colleges formed in the refugee camps, it became harder for the children of Pandits to access education. They suffered in higher education as well, as they could not claim admission in PG colleges of Jammu university, while getting admitted in the institutes of Kashmir valley was out of question. Later the Indian Government has taken up the issue of education of the displaced students from Kashmir, and helped them get admissions in various Kendriya Vidyalayas and major educational institutions & universities across the country.[34] In 2010, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir noted that 808 Pandit families, comprising 3,445 people, were still living in the Valley and that financial and other incentives put in place to encourage others to return there had been unsuccessful. According to a Jammu and Kashmir government report, 219 members of the Pandit community out of total 1400 Hindus, had been killed in the region between 1989 and 2004 but none thereafter.[35][36][37][38]
The local organisation of Pandits in Kashmir, Kashmir Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS) after carrying out a survey in 2008 and 2009, said that 399 Kashmiri Pandits were killed by insurgents from 1990 to 2011 with 75% of them being killed during the first year of the Kashmiri insurgency, and that during the last 20 years, about 650 Pandits have been killed in the valley.[39][40] Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti, estimates 357 pandits were killed in Kashmir in 1990.[41]
Recent developments[edit]
The Indian Government has tried to rehabilitate the Pandits and the separatists have also invited the Pandits back to Kashmir. Tahir, the commander of a separatist Islamic group, ensured full protection to the Kashmiri Pandits.[42]
The apathy on the part of the government and the sufferings of the Kashmiri Pandits have been highlighted in a play titled 'Kaash Kashmir'.[43]Such efforts or claims have lacked political will as journalist Rahul Pandita writes in a memoir.[44]
Some consider Article 370 as a roadblock in the resettlement of Kashmiri Pandits as the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir does not allow those living in India outside Jammu and Kashmir to freely settle in the state and become its citizens.[45][46][47]
Sanjay Tickoo, president of Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti (KPSS), says that the 'Article 370' affair is different from the issue of exodus of Kashmiri Hindus and both should be dealt with separately. He remarks that, linking both the affairs is an "utterly insensitive way to deal with a highly sensitive and emotive issue".[48]
As of 2016, a total of 1,800 Kashmiri Pandit youths have returned to the Valley since the announcing of Rs. 1,168-crore package in 2008 by the UPA government. R.K. Bhat, president of Youth All India Kashmiri Samaj criticised the package to be a mere eyewash and claimed that most of the youths were living in cramped prefabricated sheds or in rented accommodation. He also said that 4,000 vacancies have been lying vacant since 2010 and alleged that the BJP government was repeating the same rhetoric and was not serious about helping them. In an interview with NDTV on January 19, Farooq Abdullah commented that the onus was on Kashmiri Pandits to come back themselves and nobody would beg them to do so. His comments were met with disagreement by Kashmiri Pandit authors Neeru Kaul, Siddhartha Gigoo, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor and retired General Syed Ata Hasnain. He also said that during his tenure as Chief Minister in 1996, he had asked them to return but they refused to do so. He reiterated his comments on January 23 and said that the time had come for them to return.[49][50][51][52]
The issue of separate townships for Kashmiri Pandits has been a source of contention in Kashmir with separatists as well as mainstream political parties opposing it.[53] Hizbul Mujahideen militant, Burhan Muzaffar Wani, had threatened of attacking the "Pandit composite townships" which were meant to be built for the rehabilitation of the non-Muslim community. In a 6-minute long video clip, Wani described the rehabilitation scheme as resembling Israeli designs.[54]
However, Burhan Wani welcomed the Kashmiri Pandits to return and promised to guard them. He also promised a safe Amarnath Yatra.[55] Kashmiri Pandits residing in the Valley also mourned Burhan Wani's death.[56] Burhan Wani's successor in the Hizbul Mujahideen, Zakir Rashid Bhat, also asked the Kashmiri Pandits to return and ensured them protection.[57][58]
During the 2016 Kashmir unrest, transit camps housing Kashmir Pandits in Kashmir were attacked by mobs.[59] About 200–300 Kashmiri Pandit employees fled the transit camps in Kashmir during night time on 12 July due to the attacks by protesters on the camps and have held protests against the government for attacks on their camp and demanded that all Kashmiri Pandit employees in Kashmir valley be evacuated immediately. Over 1300 government employees belonging to the community have fled the region during the unrest.[60][61][62] Posters threatening the Pandits to leave Kashmir or be killed were put up near transit camps in Pulwama allegedly by the militant organisation Lashkar-e-Islam. There were doubts as to who put up the poster with speculations being raised as to whether other groups had put up the poster using the name of Lashkar-e-Islam.[63][64]
See also[edit]
Bitta Karate
Insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir conflict
Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Waldman, Amy (2003-03-25). "Kashmir Massacre May Signal the Coming of Widespread Violence". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-02-10.
Jump up ^ Reuters (2003-03-24). "24 Hindus Are Shot Dead in Kashmiri Village". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-02-10.
Jump up ^ Evans, A departure from history 2002, p. 26: "Drawing on census evidence, whether extrapolated from 1931/1941 or drawn from 1981/2001, it seems reasonable to assume that there were 160,000–170,000 Kashmiri Pandits living in the Kashmir Valley by 1990."
Jump up ^ Evans, A departure from history 2002, p. 27.
Jump up ^ Cabinet approves the proposal to provide State Government jobs and transit accommodations in the Kashmir Valley for the rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants, Government of India, Press Information Bureau, 18 November 2015.
Jump up ^ Rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits, Government of India, Press Information Bureau, 15 July 2014.
Jump up ^ "Kashmir: Outrage over settlements for displaced Hindus". BBC News. 2016-06-15. Retrieved 2017-02-10.
Jump up ^ Sikand, Yoginder (2002-07-01). "The Emergence and Development of the Jama'at-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir (1940s–1990)". Modern Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press. 36 (3): 705–751 (745–6). doi:10.1017/S0026749X02003062. ISSN 1469-8099.
^ Jump up to: a b c Praveen Swami; India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir, 1947-2004 2007, p. 157.
Jump up ^ Verma, P. S. (1994). Jammu and Kashmir at the Political Crossroads. Vikas Publishing House. p. 214. ISBN 9780706976205.
Jump up ^ Colonel Tej K Tikoo. Kashmir: Its Aborigines and Their Exodus. Lancer Publishers LLC. pp. 397–. ISBN 978-1-935501-58-9.
Jump up ^ Praveen Swami; India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir, 1947-2004 2007, p. 158.
Jump up ^ Schofield, Victoria (2000). Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War. I.B.Tauris. p. 137. ISBN 9781860648984.
Jump up ^ Praveen Swami; India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir, 1947-2004 2007, pp. 159-.
Jump up ^ Praveen Donthi (23 March 2016). "How Mufti Mohammad Sayeed Shaped The 1987 Elections In Kashmir". Caravan Magazine.
Jump up ^ "BBC NEWS | South Asia | Kashmir's flawed elections". news.bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2017-05-26.
Jump up ^ Rom Harré, Fathali M. Moghaddam (2016). Questioning Causality: Scientific Explorations of Cause and Consequence Across Social Contexts. ABC-CLIO. pp. 243, 244.
Jump up ^ K. Warikoo (2010). Religion and Security in South and Central Asia. Routledge. pp. 129, 130.
Jump up ^ Patrick Colm Hogan (2016). Imagining Kashmir: Emplotment and Colonialism. University of Nebraska Press. p. 60.
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Bibliography[edit]
Bose, Sumantra (1997), The challenge in Kashmir: democracy, self-determination, and a just peace, New Delhi: Sage Publications, ISBN 978-0-8039-9350-1
Evans, Alexander (2002). "A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001". Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37. doi:10.1080/0958493022000000341. ISSN 0958-4935.
Metcalf, Barbara; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006), A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories), Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Pp. xxxiii, 372, ISBN 0-521-68225-8 .
Rai, Mridu (2004), Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir, Princeton University Press/Permanent Black. Pp. xii, 335., ISBN 81-7824-202-8 }
Swami, Praveen (2006), India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir, 1947-2004, Routledge, ISBN 978-1-134-13752-7
External links[edit]
A. G. Noorani (9 July 2016). "Kashmir's Pandits". Dawn. Retrieved 2017-05-26.
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