text:
Mau Mau Uprising
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
This article is about the conflict in Kenya. For other uses, see Mau Mau (disambiguation).
Mau Mau Uprising
Part of the decolonisation of Africa

Troops of the King's African Rifles on watch for Mau Mau rebels.
Date
1952–1960
Location
British Kenya
Result
Suppression of Mau Mau and lifting of the state of emergency, with sporadic resistance until after Kenyan independence.
Belligerents
British Empire
Kenya
Uganda
Southern Rhodesia
Mau Mau rebels[A]
Commanders and leaders
Winston Churchill (1951–1955)
Anthony Eden (1955–1957)
Harold Macmillan (1957–1960)
Evelyn Baring
George Erskine
Kenneth O'Connor Dedan Kimathi
Musa Mwariama
Waruhiu Itote
Stanley Mathenge (MIA)
Strength
10,000 regular troops
21,000 police
25,000 Kikuyu Home Guard[1][2] Unknown
Casualties and losses
200 killed
579 wounded 12,000 killed (officially); perhaps 20,000+ killed (unofficially)[3]
2,633 captured
2,714 surrendered
Civilian Victims of Mau Mau:[1][4]
Native Kenyans killed: 1,819
Native Kenyans wounded: 916
Asians killed: 26
Asians wounded: 36
Europeans killed: 32
Europeans wounded: 26
show
v
t
e
Mau Mau Uprising
1952
Assassination of Waruhiu
Operation Jock Scott
1953
Ruck Family massacre
Lari massacre
Chuka Massacre
Operation Mushroom
Christmas Eve Battle
1954
Operation Anvil
Swynnerton Plan
1956
The Pipeline
Capture of Kimathi
1959
Hola massacre
The Mau Mau Uprising (1952–1964), also known as the Mau Mau Rebellion, the Kenya Emergency, and the Mau Mau Revolt, was a war in the British Kenya Colony (1920–1963).[5] The definition of the term Mau Mau has been contentious. Some have argued that it is an acronym for Mzungu Aende Ulaya Mwafrica Apate Uhuru. Others have claimed that it was coined from the term UMA UMA, a communication code used by the freedom fighters. Dominated by the Kikuyu people, Meru people and Embu people, the Mau Mau also comprised units of Kamba and Maasai peoples who fought against the white European colonist-settlers in Kenya, the British Army, and the local Kenya Regiment (British colonists, local auxiliary militia, and pro–British Kikuyu people).[6][7]
The capture of rebel leader, Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi, on 21 October 1956, signalled the defeat of the Mau Mau,[8] however, the rebellion survived until after Kenya's independence from Britain, driven mainly by the Meru units led by Field Marshal Musa Mwariama and General Baimungi. Baimuingi, one of the last Mau Mau generals, was killed shortly after Kenya attained self-rule.[9]
The Mau Mau failed to capture widespread public support,[10] partly due to the British policy of divide and rule,[11] and the Mau Mau movement remained internally divided, despite attempts to unify the factions. The British, meanwhile, applied the strategy and tactics they developed in suppressing the Malayan Emergency (1948–60).[12] The Mau Mau Uprising created a rift between the European colonial community in Kenya and the metropole,[13] and also resulted in violent divisions within the Kikuyu community.[14][15] Suppressing the Mau Mau Uprising in the Kenyan colony cost Britain £55 million.[16]
Contents
[hide]
1 Etymology
2 Background
2.1 Native labourer categories
3 Mau Mau warfare
4 British Reaction
4.1 British reaction to the uprising
4.2 State of Emergency declared (October 1952)
4.3 Military operations
4.3.1 Operation Anvil
4.3.2 Air power
4.4 Swynnerton Plan
4.5 Detention programme
4.5.1 Interrogations and confessions
4.5.2 Works camps
4.6 Villagisation programme
4.7 Political and social concessions by the British
5 Deaths
6 War crimes
6.1 British war crimes
6.1.1 Chuka Massacre
6.1.2 Hola massacre
6.2 Mau Mau war crimes
6.2.1 Lari massacres
7 Legacy
7.1 Compensation claims
8 Mau Mau status in Kenya
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Further reading
13 External links
Etymology[edit]
Map of Kenya
The origin of the term Mau Mau is uncertain. According to some members of Mau Mau, they never referred to themselves as such, instead preferring the military title Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA).[17] Some publications, such as Fred Majdalany's State of Emergency: The Full Story of Mau Mau, claim it was an anagram of Uma Uma (which means "get out get out") and was a military codeword based on a secret language-game Kikuyu boys used to play at the time of their circumcision. Majdalany goes on to state that the British simply used the name as a label for the Kikuyu ethnic community without assigning any specific definition.[18]
As the movement progressed, a Swahili backronym was adopted: "Mzungu Aende Ulaya, Mwafrika Apate Uhuru" meaning "Let the foreigner go back abroad, let the African regain independence".[19] J.M. Kariuki, a member of Mau Mau who was detained during the conflict, postulates that the British preferred to use the term Mau Mau instead of KLFA in an attempt to deny the Mau Mau rebellion international legitimacy.[20] Kariuki also wrote that the term Mau Mau was adopted by the rebellion in order to counter what they regarded as colonial propaganda.[19]
Another possible origin is a mishearing of the Kikuyu word for oath "muuma".[21]
Background[edit]
The principal item in the natural resources of Kenya is the land, and in this term we include the colony's mineral resources. It seems to us that our major objective must clearly be the preservation and the wise use of this most important asset.[22]
“
”
—Deputy Governor to Secretary of State
for the Colonies, 19 March 1945
The armed rebellion of the Mau Mau was the culminating response to oppressive colonial rule.[23][24][25] Although there had been previous instances of violent resistance to colonialism, the Mau Mau revolt was the most prolonged and violent anti-colonial warfare in the British Kenya colony. From the start, the land was the primary British interest in Kenya,[26] which had "some of the richest agricultural soils in the world, mostly in districts where the elevation and climate make it possible for Europeans to reside permanently".[27] Though declared a colony in 1920, the formal British colonial presence in Kenya began with a proclamation on 1 July 1895, in which Kenya was claimed as a British protectorate.[28]
Even before 1895, however, Britain's presence in Kenya was marked by dispossession and violence. In 1894, British MP Sir Charles Dilke had observed in the House of Commons, "The only person who has up to the present time benefited from our enterprise in the heart of Africa has been Mr. Hiram Maxim".[29] During the period in which Kenya's interior was being forcibly opened up for British settlement, there was plenty of conflict and British troops carried out atrocities against the native population.[30][31]
Opposition to British imperialism existed from the start of British occupation. The most notable include the Nandi Resistance of 1895–1905;[32] the Giriama Uprising of 1913–1914;[33] the women's revolt against forced labour in Murang'a in 1947;[34] and the Kolloa Affray of 1950.[35] None of the armed uprisings during the beginning of British colonialism in Kenya were successful.[36] The nature of fighting in Kenya led Winston Churchill to express concern in 1908 about how it would look if word got out:
160 Gusii have now been killed outright without any further casualties on our side. . . . It looks like a butchery. If the H. of C. gets hold of it, all our plans in E.A.P. will be under a cloud. Surely it cannot be necessary to go on killing these defenceless people on such an enormous scale.[37][38][39][40]
You may travel through the length and breadth of Kitui Reserve and you will fail to find in it any enterprise, building, or structure of any sort which Government has provided at the cost of more than a few sovereigns for the direct benefit of the natives. The place was little better than a wilderness when I first knew it 25 years ago, and it remains a wilderness to-day as far as our efforts are concerned. If we left that district to-morrow the only permanent evidence of our occupation would be the buildings we have erected for the use of our tax-collecting staff.[41]
“
”
—Chief Native Commissioner of Kenya, 1925
A feature of all settler societies during the colonial period was the ability to obtain a disproportionate share in land ownership.[42] Kenya was no exception, with the first settlers arriving in 1902 as part of Governor Charles Eliot's plan to have a settler economy pay for the Uganda Railway.[43][44] The success of this settler economy would depend heavily on the availability of land, labour and capital,[45] and so, over the next three decades, the colonial government and settlers consolidated their control over Kenyan land, and 'encouraged' native Kenyans to become wage labourers.
Until the mid-1930s, the two primary complaints were low native Kenyan wages and the requirement to carry an identity document, the kipande.[46] From the early 1930s, however, two others began to come to prominence: effective and elected African-political-representation, and land.[46] The British response to this clamour for agrarian reform came in the early 1930s when they set up the Carter Land Commission.[47]
The Commission reported in 1934, but its conclusions, recommendations and concessions to Kenyans were so conservative that any chance of a peaceful resolution to native Kenyan land-hunger was ended.[23] Through a series of expropriations, the government seized about 7,000,000 acres (28,000 km2; 11,000 sq mi) of land, most of it in the fertile hilly regions of Central and Rift Valley Provinces, later known as the White Highlands due to the exclusively European-owned farmland there.[45] In Nyanza the Commission restricted 1,029,422 native Kenyans to 7,114 square miles (18,430 km2), while granting 16,700 square miles (43,000 km2) to 17,000 Europeans.[48] By the 1930s, and for the Kikuyu in particular, land had become the number one grievance concerning colonial rule,[46] the situation so acute by 1948 that 1,250,000 Kikuyu had ownership of 2,000 square miles (5,200 km2), while 30,000 British settlers owned 12,000 square miles (31,000 km2), abeit most of it not on traditional Kikuku land. "In particular", the British government's 1925 East Africa Commission noted, "the treatment of the Giriama tribe [from the coastal regions] was very bad. This tribe was moved backwards and forwards so as to secure for the Crown areas which could be granted to Europeans."[49]
The Kikuyu, who lived in the Kiambu, Nyeri and Murang'a areas of what became Central Province, were one of the ethnic groups most affected by the colonial government's land expropriation and European settlement;[50] by 1933, they had had over 109.5 square miles (284 km2) of their potentially highly valuable land alienated.[51] The Kikuyu mounted a legal challenge against the expropriation of their land, but a Kenya High Court decision of 1921 reaffirmed its legality.[52] In terms of lost acreage, the Masai and Nandi people were the biggest losers of land.[53]
The colonial government and white farmers also wanted cheap labour[54] which, for a period, the government acquired from native Kenyans through force.[51] Confiscating the land itself helped to create a pool of wage labourers, but the colony introduced measures that forced more native Kenyans to submit to wage labour: the introduction of the Hut and Poll Taxes (1901 and 1910 respectively);[51][55] the establishment of reserves for each ethnic group, which isolated ethnic groups and often exacerbated overcrowding;[56] the discouragement of native Kenyans' growing cash crops;[51] the Masters and Servants Ordinance (1906) and an identification pass known as the kipande (1918) to control the movement of labour and to curb desertion;[51][57] and the exemption of wage labourers from forced labour and other compulsory, detested tasks such as conscription.[58][59]
Native labourer categories[edit]
Native Kenyan labourers were in one of three categories: squatter, contract, or casual.[C] By the end of World War I, squatters had become well established on European farms and plantations in Kenya, with Kikuyu squatters comprising the majority of agricultural workers on settler plantations.[45] An unintended consequence of colonial rule,[45] the squatters were targeted from 1918 onwards by a series of Resident Native Labourers Ordinances—criticised by at least some MPs[60]—which progressively curtailed squatter rights and subordinated native Kenyan farming to that of the settlers.[61] The Ordinance of 1939 finally eliminated squatters' remaining tenancy rights, and permitted settlers to demand 270 days' labour from any squatters on their land.[62] and, after World War II, the situation for squatters deteriorated rapidly, a situation the squatters resisted fiercely.[63]
In the early 1920s, though, despite the presence of 100,000 squatters and tens of thousands more wage labourers,[64] there was still not enough native Kenyan labour available to satisfy the settlers' needs.[65] The colonial government duly tightened the measures to force more Kenyans to become low-paid wage-labourers on settler farms.[citation needed]
The colonial government used the measures brought in as part of its land expropriation and labour 'encouragement' efforts to craft the third plank of its growth strategy for its settler economy: subordinating African farming to that of the Europeans.[51] Nairobi also assisted the settlers with rail and road networks, subsidies on freight charges, agricultural and veterinary services, and credit and loan facilities.[45] The near-total neglect of native farming during the first two decades of European settlement was noted by the East Africa Commission.[66]
The resentment of colonial rule would not have been decreased by the wanting provision of medical services for native Kenyans,[67] nor by the fact that in 1923, for example, "the maximum amount that could be considered to have been spent on services provided exclusively for the benefit of the native population was slightly over one-quarter of the taxes paid by them".[41] The tax burden on Europeans in the early 1920s, meanwhile, was very light.[41] Interwar infrastructure-development was also largely paid for by the indigenous population.[68]
Kenyan employees were often poorly treated by their European employers—sometimes even beaten to death by them—with some settlers arguing that native Kenyans "were as children and should be treated as such". Some settlers flogged their servants for petty offences. To make matters even worse, native Kenyan workers were poorly served by colonial labour-legislation and a prejudiced legal-system. The vast majority of Kenyan employees' violations of labour legislation were settled with "rough justice" meted out by their employers. Most colonial magistrates appear to have been unconcerned by the illegal practice of settler-administered flogging; indeed, during the 1920s, flogging was the magisterial punishment-of-choice for native Kenyan convicts. The principle of punitive sanctions against workers was not removed from the Kenyan labour statutes until the 1950s.[69]
The greater part of the wealth of the country is at present in our hands. . . . This land we have made is our land by right—by right of achievement.[70]
“
”
—Speech by Deputy Colonial Governor
30 November 1946
As a result of the situation in the highlands and growing job opportunities in the cities, thousands of Kikuyu migrated into cities in search of work, contributing to the doubling of Nairobi's population between 1938 and 1952.[71] At the same time, there was a small, but growing, class of Kikuyu landowners who consolidated Kikuyu landholdings and forged ties with the colonial administration, leading to an economic rift within the Kikuyu.
Mau Mau warfare[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2018)
Mau Mau were the militant wing of a growing clamour for political representation and freedom in Kenya. The first attempt to form a countrywide political party begun on 1 October 1944.[72] This fledgling organisation was called the Kenya African Study Union with Harry Thuku as its inaugural chairman. He soon resigned his chairmanship. There is dispute over Thuku's reason for leaving KASU: Bethwell Ogot states that Thuku "found the responsibility too heavy";[72] David Anderson states that "he walked out in disgust" as the militant section of KASU took the initiative.[73] KASU changed its name to the Kenya African Union (KAU) in 1946.
The failure of KAU to attain any significant reforms or redress of grievances from the colonial authorities shifted the political initiative to younger and more militant figures within the native Kenyan trade union movement, among the squatters on the settler estates in the Rift Valley and in KAU branches in Nairobi and the Kikuyu districts of central province.[74] Around 1943, residents of Olenguruone Settlement radicalised the traditional practice of oathing, and extended oathing to women and children.[75] By the mid-1950s, 90% of Kikuyu, Embu and Meru were oathed.[76] On 3 October 1952, Mau Mau claimed their first European victim when they stabbed a woman to death near her home in Thika.[77] Six days later, on 9 October, Senior Chief Waruhiu was shot dead in broad daylight in his car,[78] which was an important blow against the colonial government.[79] Waruhiu had been one of the strongest supporters of the British presence in Kenya. His assassination gave Baring the final impetus to request permission from the Colonial Office to declare a State of Emergency.[80]
Contrary to British propaganda and western perceptions of the time, the Mau Mau attacks were mostly well organised and planned.
...the insurgents' lack of heavy weaponry and the heavily entrenched police and Home Guard positions meant that Mau Mau attacks were restricted to nighttime and where loyalist positions were weak. When attacks did commence they were fast and brutal, as insurgents were easily able to identify loyalists because they were often local to those communities themselves. The Lari massacre was by comparison rather outstanding and in contrast to regular Mau Mau strikes which more often than not targeted only loyalists without such massive civilian casualties. "Even the attack upon Lari, in the view of the rebel commanders was strategic and specific."[81]
The Mau Mau command, contrary to the Home Guard who were stigmatised as "the running dogs of British Imperialism",[82] were relatively well educated. General Gatunga had previously been a respected and well read Christian teacher in his local Kikuyu community. He was known to meticulously record his attacks in a series of five notebooks, which when executed were often swift and strategic, targeting loyalist community leaders he had previously known as a teacher.[citation needed]
The Mau Mau military strategy was mainly guerrilla attacks launched under the cover of dark. They used stolen weapons such as guns, as well as weapons such as machetes and bows and arrows in their attacks. In a few limited cases, they also deployed biological weapons.[83]
Women formed a core part of the Mau Mau, especially in maintaining supply lines. Initially able to avoid the suspicion, they moved through colonial spaces and between Mau Mau hideouts and strongholds, to deliver vital supplies and services to guerrilla fighters including food, ammunition, medical care, and of course, information.[84] An unknown number also fought in the war, with the most high-ranking being Field Marshal Muthoni.
British Reaction[edit]
The British and international view was that Mau Mau as a savage, violent, and depraved tribal cult, an expression of unrestrained emotion rather than reason. Mau Mau was "perverted tribalism" that sought to take the Kikuyu people back to "the bad old days" before British rule.[85][86] The official British explanation of the revolt did not include the insights of agrarian and agricultural experts, of economists and historians, or even of Europeans who had spent a long period living amongst the Kikuyu such as Louis Leakey. Not for the first time,[87] the British instead relied on the purported insights of the ethnopsychiatrist; with Mau Mau, it fell to Dr. John Colin Carothers to perform the desired analysis. This ethnopsychiatric analysis guided British psychological warfare, which painted Mau Mau as "an irrational force of evil, dominated by bestial impulses and influenced by world communism", and the later official study of the uprising, the Corfield Report.[88]
The psychological war became of critical importance to military and civilian leaders, who waged it in the time-honoured colonial fashion of divide and rule, always trying to "emphasise that there was in effect a civil war, and that the struggle was not black versus white", attempting to isolate Mau Mau from the Kikuyu, and the Kikuyu from the rest of the colony's population and the world outside. In driving a wedge between Mau Mau and the Kikuyu generally, these propaganda efforts essentially played no role, though they could apparently claim an important contribution to the isolation of Mau Mau from the non-Kikuyu sections of the population.[89]
By the mid-1960s, the view of Mau Mau as simply irrational activists was being challenged by memoirs of former members and leaders that portrayed Mau Mau as an essential, if radical, component of African nationalism in Kenya, and by academic studies that analysed the movement as a modern and nationalist response to the unfairness and oppression of colonial domination (though such studies downplayed the specifically Kikuyu nature of the movement).[90]
There continues to be vigorous debate within Kenyan society and among the academic community within and without Kenya regarding the nature of Mau Mau and its aims, as well as the response to and effects of the uprising.[91][92] Nevertheless, partly because as many Kikuyu fought against Mau Mau on the side of the colonial government as joined them in rebellion,[15] the conflict is now often regarded in academic circles as an intra-Kikuyu civil war,[14][92] a characterisation that remains extremely unpopular in Kenya. [93] Kenyatta described the conflict in his memoirs as a civil war rather than a rebellion.[citation needed] The reason that the revolt was majorly limited to the Kikuyu people was, in part, that they had suffered the most as a result of the negative aspects of British colonialism.[94][95]
Wunyabari O. Maloba regards the rise of the Mau Mau movement as "without doubt, one of the most important events in recent African history."[96] David Anderson, however, considers Maloba's and similar work to be the product of "swallowing too readily the propaganda of the Mau Mau war",[46] noting the similarity between such analysis and the "simplistic"[46] earlier studies of Mau Mau. This earlier work cast the Mau Mau war in strictly bipolar terms, "as conflicts between anti-colonial nationalists and colonial collaborators".[46] Caroline Elkins' 2005 study, Imperial Reckoning, has met similar criticism, as well as being criticised for sensationalism.[97][98]
It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other. During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd". In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.[99]
“
”
—Louise Pirouet
Broadly speaking, throughout Kikuyu history, there have been two traditions: moderate-conservative and radical.[100] Despite the differences between them, there has been a continuous debate and dialogue between these traditions, leading to a great political awareness among the Kikuyu.[100][101] By 1950, these differences, and the impact of colonial rule, had given rise to three native Kenyan political blocks: conservative, moderate nationalist and militant nationalist.[102] It has also been argued that Mau Mau was not explicitly national, either intellectually or operationally.[103]
Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal atavism seeking a return to the past, the answer to the question of 'was it nationalism?' must be yes and no."[104] As the Mau Mau rebellion wore on, the violence forced the spectrum of opinion within the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru to polarise and harden into the two distinct camps of loyalist and Mau Mau.[105] This neat division between loyalists and Mau Mau was a product of the conflict, rather than a cause or catalyst of it, with the violence becoming less ambiguous over time,[106] in a similar manner to other situations.[107][108]
British reaction to the uprising[edit]
Between 1952 and 1956, when the fighting was at its worst, the Kikuyu districts of Kenya became a police state in the very fullest sense of that term.[2]
“
”
—David Anderson
Philip Mitchell retired as Kenya's governor in summer 1952, having turned a blind eye to Mau Mau's increasing activity.[109] Through the summer of 1952, however, Colonial Secretary Oliver Lyttelton in London received a steady flow of reports from Acting Governor Henry Potter about the escalating seriousness of Mau Mau violence,[77] but it was not until the later part of 1953 that British politicians began to accept that the rebellion was going to take some time to deal with.[110] At first, the British discounted the Mau Mau rebellion[111] because of their own technical and military superiority, which encouraged hopes for a quick victory.[110]
The British army accepted the gravity of the uprising months before the politicians, but the army's appeals to London and Nairobi initially fell on deaf ears.[110] On 30 September 1952, Evelyn Baring arrived in Kenya to permanently take over from Potter; Baring was given no warning by Mitchell or the Colonial Office about the gathering maelstrom into which he was stepping.[77]
Aside from military operations against Mau Mau fighters in the forests, the British attempt to defeat the movement broadly came in two stages: the first, relatively limited in scope, came during the period in which they had still failed to accept the seriousness of the revolt; the second came afterwards. During the first stage, the British tried to decapitate the movement by declaring a State of Emergency before arresting 180 alleged Mau Mau leaders (see Operation Jock Scott below) and subjecting six of them to a show trial (the Kapenguria Six); the second stage began in earnest in 1954, when they undertook a series of major economic, military and penal initiatives.[citation needed]
The second stage had three main planks: a large military-sweep of Nairobi leading to the internment of tens of thousands of the city's suspected Mau Mau members and sympathisers (see Operation Anvil below); the enacting of major agrarian reform (the Swynnerton Plan); and the institution of a vast villagisation programme for more than a million rural Kikuyu (see below). In 2012, the UK government accepted that prisoners had suffered "torture and ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration".[112]
The harshness of the British response was inflated by two factors. First, the settler government in Kenya was, even before the insurgency, probably the most openly racist one in the British empire, with the settlers' violent prejudice attended by an uncompromising determination to retain their grip on power[113] and half-submerged fears that, as a tiny minority, they could be overwhelmed by the indigenous population.[114] Some settlers felt that "[a] good sound system of compulsory labour would do more to raise the nigger in five years than all the millions that have been sunk in missionary efforts for the last fifty",[115] and its representatives were so keen on aggressive action that George Erskine referred to them as "the White Mau Mau".[114] Second, the brutality of Mau Mau attacks on civilians made it easy for the movement's opponents—including native Kenyan and loyalist security forces—to adopt a totally dehumanised view of Mau Mau adherents.[113]
A variety of persuasive techniques were initiated by the colonial authorities to punish and break Mau Mau's support: Baring ordered punitive communal-labour, collective fines and other collective punishments, and further confiscation of land and property. By early 1954, tens of thousands of head of livestock had been taken, and were allegedly never returned.[116] Detailed accounts of the policy of seizing livestock from Kenyans suspected of supporting Mau Mau rebels were finally released in April 2012.[117]
State of Emergency declared (October 1952)[edit]
On 20 October 1952, Governor Baring signed an order declaring a State of Emergency. Early the next morning, Operation Jock Scott was launched: the British carried out a mass-arrest of Jomo Kenyatta and 180 other alleged Mau Mau leaders within Nairobi.[118][119] Jock Scott did not decapitate the movement's leadership as hoped, since news of the impending operation was leaked. Thus, while the moderates on the wanted list awaited capture, the real militants, such as Dedan Kimathi and Stanley Mathenge (both later principal leaders of Mau Mau's forest armies), fled to the forests.[120]
The day after the round up, another prominent loyalist chief, Nderi, was hacked to pieces,[121] and a series of gruesome murders against settlers were committed throughout the months that followed.[122] The violent and random nature of British tactics during the months after Jock Scott served merely to alienate ordinary Kikuyu and drive many of the wavering majority into Mau Mau's arms.[123] Three battalions of the King's African Rifles were recalled from Uganda, Tanganyika and Mauritius, giving the regiment five battalions in all in Kenya, a total of 3,000 native Kenyan troops.[118] To placate settler opinion, one battalion of British troops, from the Lancashire Fusiliers, was also flown in from Egypt to Nairobi on the first day of Operation Jock Scott.[124] In November 1952, Baring requested assistance from the Security Service. For the next year, the Service's A.M. MacDonald would reorganise the Special Branch of the Kenya Police, promote collaboration with Special Branches in adjacent territories, and oversee coordination of all intelligence activity "to secure the intelligence Government requires".[125]
Our sources have produced nothing to indicate that Kenyatta, or his associates in the UK, are directly involved in Mau Mau activities, or that Kenyatta is essential to Mau Mau as a leader, or that he is in a position to direct its activities.[126]
“
”
—Percy Sillitoe, Director General of MI5
Letter to Evelyn Baring, 9 January 1953
In January 1953, six of the most prominent detainees from Jock Scott, including Kenyatta, were put on trial, primarily to justify the declaration of the Emergency to critics in London.[120][127] The trial itself was claimed to have featured a suborned lead defence-witness, a bribed judge, and other serious violations of the right to a fair trial.
Native Kenyan political activity was permitted to resume at the end of the military phase of the Emergency.[128]
Military operations[edit]
Lieutenant General Sir George Erskine, Commander-in-Chief, British East Africa (centre), observing operations against the Mau Mau
The onset of the Emergency led hundreds, and eventually thousands, of Mau Mau adherents to flee to the forests, where a decentralised leadership had already begun setting up platoons.[129] The primary zones of Mau Mau military strength were the Aberdares and the forests around Mount Kenya, whilst a passive support-wing was fostered outside these areas.[130] Militarily, the British defeated Mau Mau in four years (1952–56)[131] using a more expansive version of "coercion through exemplary force".[132] In May 1953, the decision was made to send General George Erskine to oversee the restoration of order in the colony.[133]
By September 1953, the British knew the leading personalities in Mau Mau, the capture and 68 hour interrogation of General China on 15 January the following year provided a massive intelligence boost on the forest fighters.[134][135][136][137][138] Erskine's arrival did not immediately herald a fundamental change in strategy, thus the continual pressure on the gangs remained, but he created more mobile formations that delivered what he termed "special treatment" to an area. Once gangs had been driven out and eliminated, loyalist forces and police were then to take over the area, with military support brought in thereafter only to conduct any required pacification operations. After their successful dispersion and containment, Erskine went after the forest fighters' source of supplies, money and recruits, i.e. the native Kenyan population of Nairobi. This took the form of Operation Anvil, which commenced on 24 April 1954.[139]
Operation Anvil[edit]
By 1954, Nairobi was regarded as the nerve centre of Mau Mau operations.[140] Anvil was the ambitious attempt to eliminate Mau Mau's presence within Nairobi in one fell swoop. 25,000 members of British security forces under the control of General George Erskine were deployed as Nairobi was sealed off and underwent a sector-by-sector purge. All native Kenyans were taken to temporary barbed-wire enclosures, whereafter those who were not Kikuyu, Embu or Meru were released; those who were remained in detention for screening.[D]
British Army patrol crossing a stream carrying L1A1 rifle (1st and 2nd soldiers from right); Sten Mk5 (3rd soldier); and the Lee–Enfield No. 5 (4th and 5th soldiers)
Whilst the operation itself was conducted by Europeans, most suspected members of Mau Mau were picked out of groups of the Kikuyu-Embu-Meru detainees by a native Kenyan informer. Male suspects were then taken off for further screening, primarily at Langata Screening Camp, whilst women and children were readied for 'repatriation' to the reserves (many of those slated for deportation had never set foot in the reserves before). Anvil lasted for two weeks, after which the capital had been cleared of all but certifiably loyal Kikuyu; 20,000 Mau Mau suspects had been taken to Langata, and 30,000 more had been deported to the reserves.[141]
Air power[edit]
For an extended period of time, the chief British weapon against the forest fighters was air power. Between June 1953 and October 1955, the RAF provided a significant contribution to the conflict—and, indeed, had to, for the army was preoccupied with providing security in the reserves until January 1955, and it was the only service capable of both psychologically influencing and inflicting considerable casualties on the Mau Mau fighters operating in the dense forests. Lack of timely and accurate intelligence meant bombing was rather haphazard, but almost 900 insurgents had been killed or wounded by air attacks by June 1954, and it did cause forest gangs to disband, lower their morale, and induce their pronounced relocation from the forests to the reserves.[142]
Contrary to that which is sometimes claimed, Lancaster bombers were not used during the Emergency, though Lincolns were. The latter flew their first mission on 18 November 1953 and remained in Kenya until 28 July 1955, dropping nearly 6 million bombs.[143][144] They and other aircraft, such as blimps, were also deployed for reconnaissance, as well as in the propaganda war, conducting large-scale leaflet-drops.[145]
After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death. Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained (though there is disagreement[146] on this point), and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests. Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May 1954, and Churchill consented to its continuation in January 1955.[142]
Swynnerton Plan[edit]
Main article: Swynnerton Plan
Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse. Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in 1953 to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.[147][148] The primary goal of the Swynnerton Plan was the creation of family holdings large enough to keep families self-sufficient in food and to enable them to practise alternate husbandry, which would generate a cash income.[149]
The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour. All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.[150][151]
Detention programme[edit]
Further information: List of British Detention Camps during the Mau Mau Uprising
It would be difficult to argue that the colonial government envisioned its own version of a gulag when the Emergency first started. Colonial officials in Kenya and Britain all believed that Mau Mau would be over in less than three months.[152]
“
”
—Caroline Elkins
When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in 1953, Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened. Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government. Larger detention camps were divided into compounds. The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.[153]
Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of 1953, termed his system the Pipeline.[154] The British did not initially conceive of rehabilitating Mau Mau suspects through brute force and other ill-treatment—Askwith's final plan, submitted to Baring in October 1953, was intended as "a complete blueprint for winning the war against Mau Mau using socioeconomic and civic reform."[155] What developed, however, has been described as a British gulag.[156]
The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau. These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be. Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.[157]
[T]here is something peculiarly chilling about the way colonial officials behaved, most notoriously but not only in Kenya, within a decade of the liberation of the [Nazi] concentration camps and the return of thousands of emaciated British prisoners of war from the Pacific. One courageous judge in Nairobi explicitly drew the parallel: Kenya's Belsen, he called one camp. [158]
“
”
—Guardian Editorial, 11 April 2011
A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation. Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife. Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times, designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities. Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow.[159] Family outside and other considerations led many detainees to confess.[160]
During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate. Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.[161] This failure was partly due to the lack of manpower and resources, as well as the vast numbers of detainees. Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of 1955, Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising. If so the outlook is grim."[161] Black markets flourished during this period, with the native Kenyan guards helping to facilitate trading. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment.[159]
[T]he horror of some of the so-called Screening Camps now present a state of affairs so deplorable that they should be investigated without delay, so that the ever increasing allegations of inhumanity and disregard of the rights of the African citizen are dealt with and so that the Government will have no reason to be ashamed of the acts which are done in its own name by its own servants.[162]
“
”
—Letter from Police Commissioner Arthur Young to
Governor Evelyn Baring, 22 November 1954
Interrogations and confessions[edit]
By late 1955, however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system. Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.[163] The grinding nature of the improved detention and interrogation regimen began to produce results. Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.[163]
The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.[164] Suspected informers and spies within a camp were treated in the time-honoured Mau Mau fashion: the preferred method of execution was strangulation then mutilation: "It was just like in the days before our detention", explained one Mau Mau member later. "We did not have our own jails to hold an informant in, so we would strangle him and then cut his tongue out." The end of 1955 also saw screeners being given a freer hand in interrogation, and harsher conditions than straightforward confession were imposed on detainees before they were deemed 'cooperative' and eligible for final release.[163]
In a half-circle against the reed walls of the enclosure stand eight young, African women. There's neither hate nor apprehension in their gaze. It's like a talk in the headmistress's study; a headmistress who is firm but kindly.[165]
“
”
—A contemporary BBC-description of screening
While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed. A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered. "The detainees would strangle them with their blankets or, using blades fashioned from the corrugated-iron roofs of some of the barracks, would slit their throats", writes Elkins.[166] The camp authorities' preferred method of capital punishment was public hanging. Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.[163]
Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by". Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.[159]
European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation. Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt.[167]
The number of cases of pulmonary tuberculosis which is being disclosed in Prison and Detention Camps is causing some embarrassment.[168]
“
”
—Memorandum to Commissioner of Prisons John 'Taxi' Lewis
from Kenya's Director of Medical Services, 18 May 1954
The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them. Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.[169][170][171] A British rehabilitation officer found in 1954 that detainees from Manyani were in "shocking health", many of them suffering from malnutrition,[172] while Langata and GilGil were eventually closed in April 1955[173] because, as the colonial government put it, "they were unfit to hold Kikuyu . . . for medical epidemiological reasons".[173]
While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children. Dozens of babies[174] were born to women in captivity: "We really do need these cloths for the children as it is impossible to keep them clean and tidy while dressed on dirty pieces of sacking and blanket", wrote one colonial officer.[175] Wamumu Camp was set up solely for all the unaccompanied boys in the Pipeline, though hundreds, maybe thousands, of boys moved around the adult parts of the Pipeline.
Works camps[edit]
Short rations, overwork, brutality, humiliating and disgusting treatment and flogging—all in violation of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[176]
“
”
—One colonial officer's description of British works camps
There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30,000 Mau Mau suspects who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves. These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development.[177]
Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence. Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport, the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end. The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.[163]
Villagisation programme[edit]
At the end of 1953, the Administration were faced with the serious problem of the concealment of terrorists and supply of food to them. This was widespread and, owing to the scattered nature of the homesteads, fear of detection was negligible; so, in the first instance, the inhabitants of those areas were made to build and live in concentrated villages. This first step had to be taken speedily, somewhat to the detriment of usual health measures and was definitely a punitive short-term measure.[178]
“
”
—District Commissioner of Nyeri
If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: cut off all the militants' support in the reserves.[179] The means to this terminal end was originally suggested by the man brought in by the colonial government to an ethnopsychiatric 'diagnosis' of the uprising, JC Carothers: he advocated a Kenyan version of the villagisation programmes that the British were already using in places like Malaya.[180]
So it was that in June 1954, the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.[181] Within eighteen months, 1,050,899 Kikuyu in the reserves were inside 804 villages consisting of some 230,000 huts.[182] The government termed them "protected villages", purportedly to be built along "the same lines as the villages in the North of England",[183] though the term was actually a "euphemism[] for the fact that hundreds of thousands of civilians were corralled, often against their will, into settlements behind barbed-wire fences and watch towers."[132]
While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers."[184] The villagisation programme was the coup de grâce for Mau Mau.[184] By the end of the following summer, Lieutenant General Lathbury no longer needed Lincoln bombers for raids because of a lack of targets,[142] and, by late 1955, Lathbury felt so sure of final victory that he reduced army forces to almost pre-Mau Mau levels.[185]
He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: it has been suppressed. The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it. Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means. Kenya is in for a very tricky political future."[142]
Whilst they [the Kikuyu] could not be expected to take kindly at first to a departure from their traditional way of life, such as living in villages, they need and desire to be told just what to do.[186]
“
”
—Council of Kenya-Colony's Ministers, July 1954
The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.[187] Refusal to move could be punished with the destruction of property and livestock, and the roofs were usually ripped off of homes whose occupants demonstrated reluctance.[188] Villagisation also solved the practical and financial problems associated with a further, massive expansion of the Pipeline programme,[189] and the removal of people from their land hugely assisted the enaction of Swynnerton Plan.[184]
The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives. In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.[190] Though there were degrees of difference between the villages,[191] the overall conditions engendered by villagisation meant that, by early 1955, districts began reporting starvation and malnutrition.[192] One provincial commissioner blamed child hunger on parents deliberately withholding food, saying the latter were aware of the "propaganda value of apparent malnutrition".[193]
From the health point of view, I regard villagisation as being exceedingly dangerous and we are already starting to reap the benefits.[194]
“
”
—Meru's Dictrict Commissioner, 6 November 1954,
four months after the institution of villagisation
The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas.[193] The Baring government's medical department issued reports about "the alarming number of deaths occurring amongst children in the 'punitive' villages", and the "political" prioritisation of Red Cross relief.[193]
One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying. They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along".[173] Of the 50,000 deaths which John Blacker attributed to the Emergency, half were children under the age of ten.[195]
The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course. The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".[196]
Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves,[197] though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June 1956.[198]
Political and social concessions by the British[edit]
Kenyans were granted nearly[citation needed] all of the demands made by the KAU in 1951.
On 18 January 1955, the Governor-General of Kenya, Evelyn Baring, offered an amnesty to Mau Mau activists. The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained. European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June 1955 with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.
In June 1956, a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu.[199][citation needed]. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.[199][citation needed]
In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU. By 1956, the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen. A Parliamentary conference in January 1960 indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule.
Deaths[edit]
The uprising was, in David Anderson's words, "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory."[200] Historian Daniel Goldhagen describes the campaign against the Mau Mau as an example of eliminationism, though this verdict has been fiercely criticised.[201]
The total number of deaths attributable to the Emergency has been a source of dispute: Caroline Elkins claims it is "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands".[202] Elkins numbers have been challenged by the British demographer John Blacker, who demonstrated in detail that her numbers were overestimated, explaining that Elkins' figure of 300,000 deaths "implies that perhaps half of the adult male population would have been wiped out—yet the censuses of 1962 and 1969 show no evidence of this—the age-sex pyramids for the Kikuyu districts do not even show indentations."[195]
His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between 130,000 and 300,000 Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the 1962 census,[203] and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.[201] Half of Blacker's own estimate of 50,000 comprises children under the age of ten. David Elstein has noted that leading authorities on Africa have taken issue with parts of Elkins' study, in particular her mortality figures: "The senior British historian of Kenya, John Lonsdale, whom Elkins thanks profusely in her book as 'the most gifted scholar I know', warned her to place no reliance on anecdotal sources, and regards her statistical analysis—for which she cites him as one of three advisors—as 'frankly incredible'."[201]
The British possibly killed in excess of 20,000 Mau Mau militants,[3] but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: by the end of the Emergency, the total was 1,090. At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.[204]
War crimes[edit]
Main article: List of war crimes § Mau Mau uprising
Mau Mau fighters, . . . contrary to African customs and values, assaulted old people, women and children. The horrors they practiced included the following: decapitation and general mutilation of civilians, torture before murder, bodies bound up in sacks and dropped in wells, burning the victims alive, gouging out of eyes, splitting open the stomachs of pregnant women. No war can justify such gruesome actions. In man's inhumanity to man, there is no race distinction. The Africans were practicing it on themselves. There was no reason and no restraint on both sides.[98]
“
”
—Bethwell Ogot
War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war", which includes massacres, bombings of civilian targets, terrorism, mutilation, torture, and murder of detainees and prisoners of war. Additional common crimes include theft, arson, and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.[205]
British war crimes[edit]
See also: British war crimes
In order to fight the Mau Mau insurgency during the conflict, British troops suspended civil liberties in Kenya. In response to the rebellion, many Kikuyu were relocated. Between 320,000-450,000 of them were moved into concentration camps. Most of the remainder – more than a million – were held in "enclosed villages". Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, many were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country. Thousands suffered beatings and sexual assaults during "screenings" intended to extract information about the Mau Mau threat. Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands. Significant numbers were murdered.[206] Prisoners were questioned with the help of "slicing off ears, boring holes in eardrums, flogging until death, pouring paraffin over suspects who were then set alight, and burning eardrums with lit cigarettes". Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common.[207][208][209] Among the detainees who suffered severe mistreatment was Hussein Onyango Obama, the grandfather of Barack Obama, the former President of the United States. According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.[210]
We knew the slow method of torture [at the Mau Mau Investigation Center] was worse than anything we could do. Special Branch there had a way of slowly electrocuting a Kuke—they'd rough up one for days. Once I went personally to drop off one gang member who needed special treatment. I stayed for a few hours to help the boys out, softening him up. Things got a little out of hand. By the time I cut his balls off, he had no ears, and his eyeball, the right one, I think, was hanging out of its socket. Too bad, he died before we got much out of him.[211]
“
”
One settler's description of British interrogation
In June 1957, Eric Griffith-Jones, the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the governor, Evelyn Baring, 1st Baron Howick of Glendale, detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered. He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia". Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence ... should remain collected, balanced and dispassionate". He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly."[210][212]
Chuka Massacre[edit]
The Chuka Massacre, which happened in Chuka, Kenya, was perpetrated by members of the King's African Rifles B Company in June 1953 with 20 unarmed people killed during the Mau Mau uprising. Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June 1953, to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests. Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons. The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre.[citation needed]
Hola massacre[edit]
The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya. By January 1959, the camp had a population of 506 detainees, of whom 127 were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa, eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees. They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders. The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March 1959, the camp commandant put this plan into action – as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.[213] 77 surviving detainees sustained serious permanent injuries.[214] The British government accepts that the colonial administration tortured detainees, but denies liability.[215]
Mau Mau war crimes[edit]
Lari massacres[edit]
Main article: Lari massacre
Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari, on the night of 25–26 March 1953, in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.[216] The attack at Lari was so extreme that "African policemen who saw the bodies of the victims . . . were physically sick and said 'These people are animals. If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness'",[113] and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake'".[217]
A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders. Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at 150, though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'. Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second."[218]
Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions.[98] Mau Mau racked up 1,819 murders of their fellow native Kenyans, though again this number excludes the many additional hundreds who 'disappeared', whose bodies were never found.[4] Thirty-two European and twenty-six Asian civilians were also murdered by Mau Mau militants, with similar numbers wounded. The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.[219] Newspapers in Kenya and abroad published graphic murder details, including images of young Michael with bloodied teddy bears and trains strewn on his bedroom floor.[220]
[E]lectric shock was widely used, as well as cigarettes and fire. Bottles (often broken), gun barrels, knives, snakes, vermin, and hot eggs were thrust up men's rectums and women's vaginas. The screening teams whipped, shot, burned and mutilated Mau Mau suspects, ostensibly to gather intelligence for military operations and as court evidence.[221]
“
”
—Caroline Elkins
In 1952, the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.[222]
Legacy[edit]
Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of 1956, it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference, in January 1960, that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.[223] Before the conference, it was anticipated by both native Kenyan and European leaders that Kenya was set for a European-dominated multi-racial government.[223]
There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence. Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.[224] Nissimi argues, though, that such a view fails to "acknowledge the time that elapsed until the rebellion's influence actually took effect [and does not] explain why the same liberal tendencies failed to stop the dirty war the British conducted against the Mau Mau in Kenya while it was raging on." Others contend that, as the 1950s progressed, nationalist intransigence increasingly rendered official plans for political development irrelevant, meaning that after the mid-1950s British policy increasingly accepted Kenyan nationalism and moved to co-opt its leaders and organisations into collaboration.[128][225]
It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December 1963,[226] or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.[227] However, this is disputed and other sources downplay the contribution of Mau Mau to decolonisation.[228]
On 12 September 2015, the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered". This followed a June 2013 decision by Britain to compensate more than 5,000 Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency.[229]
Compensation claims[edit]
In 1999, a collection of former fighters calling themselves the Mau Mau Original Group announced they would attempt a £5 billion claim against the UK on behalf of hundreds of thousands of Kenyans for ill-treatment they said they suffered during the rebellion, though nothing came of it.[230][231] In November 2002, the Mau Mau Trust—a welfare group for former members of the movement—announced it would attempt to sue the British government for widespread human rights violations it said were committed against its members.[232] Until September 2003, the Mau Mau movement was banned.[233][234]
Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the Commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government;[235][236] their lawyers had amassed 6,000 depositions regarding human rights abuses by late 2002.[237] 42 potential claimants were interviewed from whom five were chosen to prosecute a test case; one of the five, Susan Ciong'ombe Ngondi, has since died.[236] The remaining four test claimants are: Ndiku Mutua, who was castrated; Paulo Muoka Nzili, who was castrated; Jane Muthoni Mara, who was subjected to sexual assault that included having bottles filled with boiling water pushed up her vagina; and Wambugu Wa Nyingi, who survived the Hola massacre.[238][239][240]
Ben Macintyre of The Times said of the legal case: "Opponents of these proceedings have pointed out, rightly, that the Mau Mau was a brutal terrorist force, guilty of the most dreadful atrocities. Yet only one of the claimants is of that stamp—Mr Nzili. He has admitted taking the Mau Mau oath and said that all he did was to ferry food to the fighters in the forest. None has been accused, let alone convicted, of any crime."[241]
Upon publication of Caroline Elkins' Imperial Reckoning in 2005, Kenya called for an apology from the UK for atrocities committed during the 1950s.[242] The British government claimed the issue was the responsibility of the Kenyan government on the grounds of "state succession" for former colonies, relying on an obscure legal precedent relating to Patagonian toothfish[243] and the declaration of martial law in Jamaica in 1860.[244]
In July 2011, "George Morara strode down the corridor and into a crowded little room [in Nairobi] where 30 elderly Kenyans sat hunched together around a table clutching cups of hot tea and sharing plates of biscuits. 'I have good news from London', he announced. 'We have won the first part of the battle!' At once, the room erupted in cheers."[240] The good news was that a British judge had ruled that the Kenyans could sue the British government for their torture.[245] Morara said that, if the first test cases succeeded, perhaps 30,000 others would file similar complaints of torture.[240] Explaining his decision, Mr Justice McCombe said the claimants had an "arguable case",[246] and added:
It may well be thought strange, or perhaps even dishonourable, that a legal system which will not in any circumstances admit into its proceedings evidence obtained by torture should yet refuse to entertain a claim against the Government in its own jurisdiction for that Government's allegedly negligent failure to prevent torture which it had the means to prevent. Furthermore, resort to technicality . . . to rule such a claim out of court appears particularly misplaced.[247]
A Times editorial noted with satisfaction that "Mr Justice McCombe told the FCO, in effect, to get lost. . . . Though the arguments against reopening very old wounds are seductive, they fail morally. There are living claimants and it most certainly was not their fault that the documentary evidence that seems to support their claims was for so long 'lost' in the governmental filing system."[248]
If we are going to sin, we must sin quietly.[249]
“
”
—Kenyan Attorney-General Eric Griffith-Jones
Main article: Foreign and Commonwealth Office migrated archives
During the course of the Mau Mau legal battle in London, a large amount of what was stated to be formerly lost Foreign Office archival material was finally brought to light, while yet more was discovered to be missing.[250] The files, known as migrated archives, provided details of British human rights abuses (torture, rape, execution)[251] in its former colonies during the final stages of empire, including during Mau Mau, and even after decolonisation.
Regarding the Mau Mau Uprising, the records included confirmation of "the extent of the violence inflicted on suspected Mau Mau rebels"[252] in British detention camps documented in Caroline Elkins' study.[253] Numerous allegations of murder and rape by British military personnel are recorded in the files, including an incident where a native Kenyan baby was "burnt to death", the "defilement of a young girl", and a soldier in Royal Irish Fusiliers who killed "in cold blood two people who had been his captives for over 12 hours".[254] Baring himself was aware of the "extreme brutality" of the sometimes-lethal torture meted out—which included "most drastic" beatings, solitary confinement, starvation, castration, whipping, burning, rape, sodomy, and forceful insertion of objects into orifices—but took no action. [158] [252] Baring's inaction was despite the urging of people like Arthur Young, Commissioner of Police for Kenya for less than eight months of 1954 before he resigned in protest, that "the horror of some of the [camps] should be investigated without delay".[162] In February 1956, a provincial commissioner in Kenya, "Monkey" Johnson, wrote to Attorney General Reginald Manningham-Buller urging him to block any enquiry into the methods used against Mau Mau: "It would now appear that each and every one of us, from the Governor downwards, may be in danger of removal from public service by a commission of enquiry as a result of enquiries made by the CID."[255] The April 2012 release also included detailed accounts of the policy of seizing livestock from Kenyans suspected of supporting Mau Mau rebels.[256]
Main criticism we shall have to meet is that 'Cowan plan'[257] which was approved by Government contained instructions which in effect authorised unlawful use of violence against detainees.[258]
“
”
—Colonial Secretary Alan Lennox-Boyd
Commenting on the papers, David Anderson stated that the "documents were hidden away to protect the guilty",[259] and "that the extent of abuse now being revealed is truly disturbing".[260] "Everything that could happen did happen. Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Basically you could get away with murder. It was systematic", Anderson said.[93][261] An example of this impunity is the case of eight colonial officials accused of having prisoners tortured to death going unpunished even after their actions were reported to London.[255] Huw Bennett of King's College London, who had worked with Anderson on the Chuka Massacre, said in a witness statement to the court that the new documents "considerably strengthen" the knowledge that the British Army were "intimately involved" with the colonial security forces, whom they knew were "systematically abusing and torturing detainees in screening centres and detention camps".[254] In April 2011, lawyers for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office continued to maintain that there was no such policy.[254] As early as November 1952, however, military reports noted that "[t]he Army has been used for carrying out certain functions that properly belonged to the Police, eg. searching of huts and screening of Africans", and British soldiers arrested and transferred Mau Mau suspects to camps where they were beaten and tortured until they confessed. Bennett said that "the British Army retained ultimate operational control over all security forces throughout the Emergency", and that its military intelligence operation worked "hand in glove" with the Kenyan Special Branch "including in screening and interrogations in centres and detention camps".[254]
The Kenyan government sent a letter to Hague insisting that the UK government was legally liable for the atrocities.[259] The Foreign Office, however, reaffirmed its position that it was not, in fact, liable for colonial atrocities,[259] and argued that the documents had not "disappeared" as part of a cover up.[262] Nearly ten years before, in late 2002, as the BBC aired a documentary detailing British human rights abuses committed during the rebellion and 6,000 depositions had been taken for the legal case, former district colonial officer John Nottingham had expressed concern that compensation be paid soon, since most victims were in their 80s and would soon pass away. He told the BBC: "What went on in the Kenya camps and villages was brutal, savage torture. It is time that the mockery of justice that was perpetrated in this country at that time, should be, must be righted. I feel ashamed to have come from a Britain that did what it did here [in Kenya]."[263]
Thirteen boxes of "top secret" Kenya files are still missing.[264][265]
In October 2012, Mr Justice McCombe granted the surviving elderly test claimants the right to sue the UK for damages.[266][267] The UK government then opted for what the claimants' lawyers called the "morally repugnant" decision to appeal McCombe's ruling.[268] In May 2013, it was reported that the appeal was on hold while the UK government held compensation negotiations with the claimants.[269][270]
Mau Mau status in Kenya[edit]
Partisan questions about the Mau Mau war have . . . echoed round Kenya's political arena during 40 years of independence. How historically necessary was Mau Mau? Did its secretive violence alone have the power to destroy white supremacy? or did it merely sow discord within a mass nationalism that—for all the failings of the Kenya African Union (KAU)—was bound to win power in the end? Did Mau Mau aim at freedom for all Kenyans? or did moderate, constitutional politicians rescue that pluralist prize from the jaws of its ethnic chauvinism? Has the self-sacrificial victory of the poor been unjustly forgotten, and appropriated by the rich? or are Mau Mau's defeats and divisions best buried in oblivion?[271]
“
”
—John Lonsdale
It is often argued that Mau Mau was suppressed as a subject for public discussion in Kenya during the periods under Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi because of the key positions and influential presence of some loyalists in government, business and other elite sectors of Kenyan society post-1963.[272][273] Unsurprisingly, during this same period opposition groups tactically embraced the Mau Mau rebellion.[15]
Members of Mau Mau are currently recognised by the Kenyan Government as freedom-independence heroes and heroines who sacrificed their lives in order to free Kenyans from colonial rule.[274] Since 2010, Mashujaa Day (Heroes Day) has been marked annually on 20 October (the same day Baring signed the Emergency order).[275] According to the Kenyan Government, Mashujaa Day will be a time for Kenyans to remember and honour Mau Mau and other Kenyans who participated in the independence struggle.[274] Mashujaa Day will replace Kenyatta Day; the latter has until now also been held on 20 October.[276] In 2001, the Kenyan Government announced that important Mau Mau sites were to be turned into national monuments.[277]
This official celebration of Mau Mau is in marked contrast to a post-colonial norm of Kenyan governments rejection of the Mau Mau as a symbol of national liberation.[103][278] Such a turnabout has attracted criticism of government manipulation of the Mau Mau uprising for political ends.[277][279]
We are determined to have independence in peace, and we shall not allow hooligans to rule Kenya. We must have no hatred towards one another. Mau Mau was a disease which had been eradicated, and must never be remembered again.[131]
“
”
—Speech by Jomo Kenyatta, April 1963
See also[edit]
The Black Man's Land Trilogy, series of films on Kenya including Part Two, "Mau Mau", described as "a political analysis of Africa's first modern guerrilla war and the myths that still surround it".
Ian Henderson
Dedan Kimathi, leader of the Mau Mau
Muthoni wa Kirima
Frank Kitson, author of the book Gangs and Counter-gangs
Musa Mwariama
Kurito ole Kisio
Mathenge
Robert Ruark, author of the novels Something of Value and Uhuru
Weep Not, Child
Insurgency:
Mungiki, contemporary Kikuyu insurgency within Kenya
General:
History of Kenya
British military history
Notes[edit]
A The name Kenya Land and Freedom Army is sometimes heard in connection with Mau Mau. KLFA was the name that Dedan Kimathi used for a coordinating body which he tried to set up for Mau Mau. It was also the name of another militant group that sprang up briefly in the spring of 1960; the group was broken up during a brief operation from 26 March to 30 April.[280]
B Between 1895 and 1920, Kenya was formally known as British East Africa Protectorate; between 1920 and 1963, as Kenya Colony and Protectorate.[281]
C "Squatter or resident labourers are those who reside with their families on European farms usually for the purpose of work for the owners. . . . Contract labourers are those who sign a contract of service before a magistrate, for periods varying from three to twelve months. Casual labourers leave their reserves to engage themselves to European employers for any period from one day upwards."[55] In return for his services, a squatter was entitled to use some of the settler's land for cultivation and grazing.[282] Contract and casual workers are together referred to as migratory labourers, in distinction to the permanent presence of the squatters on farms. The phenomenon of squatters arose in response to the complementary difficulties of Europeans in finding labourers and of Africans in gaining access to arable and grazing land.[45]
D During the Emergency, screening was the term used by colonial authorities to mean the interrogation of a Mau Mau suspect. The alleged member or sympathiser of Mau Mau would be interrogated in order to obtain an admission of guilt—specifically, a confession that they had taken the Mau Mau oath—as well as for intelligence.[283]
References[edit]
Notes
^ Jump up to: a b Page 2011, p. 206.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 5.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 4.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 84.
Jump up ^ Blakeley, Ruth (3 April 2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-04246-3.
Jump up ^ In English, the Kikuyu people also are known as the "Kikuyu" and as the "Wakikuyu" people, but their preferred exonym is "Gĩkũyũ", derived from the Swahili language.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005.
Jump up ^ The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army (1994) p. 350
Jump up ^ "Kenya: A Love for the Forest". Time. 1964-01-17. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 2018-02-12.
Jump up ^ The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army (1994) p. 346.
Jump up ^ Füredi 1989, p. 5.
Jump up ^ Mumford 2012, p. 49.
Jump up ^ Maloba 1998.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 4: "Much of the struggle tore through the African communities themselves, an internecine war waged between rebels and so-called 'loyalists' — Africans who took the side of the government and opposed Mau Mau."
^ Jump up to: a b c Branch 2009, p. xii.
Jump up ^ Gerlach 2010, p. 213.
Jump up ^ Kanogo 1992, pp. 23–5.
Jump up ^ Majdalany 1963, p. 75.
^ Jump up to: a b Kariuki 1960, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Kariuki 1960, p. 24.
Jump up ^ "MAU MAU (Religious Movement)". what-when-how.com. Retrieved 2018-02-12.
Jump up ^ Curtis 2003, pp. 320.
^ Jump up to: a b Coray 1978, p. 179: "The [colonial] administration's refusal to develop mechanisms whereby African grievances against non-Africans might be resolved on terms of equity, moreover, served to accelerate a growing disaffection with colonial rule. The investigations of the Kenya Land Commission of 1932–1934 are a case study in such lack of foresight, for the findings and recommendations of this commission, particularly those regarding the claims of the Kikuyu of Kiambu, would serve to exacerbate other grievances and nurture the seeds of a growing African nationalism in Kenya".
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 22.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Curtis 2003, p. 320.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 149.
Jump up ^ Alam 2007, p. 1: The colonial presence in Kenya, in contrast to, say, India, where it lasted almost 200 years, was brief but equally violent. It formally started when Her Majesty's agent and Counsel General at Zanzibar, A.H. Hardinge, in a proclamation on 1 July 1895, announced that he was taking over the Coastal areas as well as the interior that included the Kikuyu land, now known as Central Province."
Jump up ^ Ellis 1986, p. 100.
You can read Dilke's speech in full here: "Class V; House of Commons Debate, 1 June 1894". Hansard. Series 4, Vol. 25, cc. 181–270. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 4. Francis Hall, an officer in the Imperial British East Africa Company and after whom Fort Hall was named, asserted: "There is only one way to improve the Wakikuyu [and] that is wipe them out; I should be only too delighted to do so, but we have to depend on them for food supplies."
Jump up ^ Meinertzhagen 1957, pp. 51–2 Richard Meinertzhagen wrote of how, on occasion, they massacred Kikuyu by the hundreds.
Jump up ^ Alam 2007, p. 2.
Jump up ^ Brantley 1981.
Jump up ^ Atieno-Odhiambo 1995, p. 25.
Jump up ^ Ogot 2003, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Leys 1973, pp. 342, which notes they were "always hopeless failures. Naked spearmen fall in swathes before machine-guns, without inflicting a single casualty in return. Meanwhile the troops burn all the huts and collect all the live stock within reach. Resistance once at an end, the leaders of the rebellion are surrendered for imprisonment . . . Risings that followed such a course could hardly be repeated. A period of calm followed. And when unrest again appeared it was with other leaders . . . and other motives." A particularly interesting example, albeit outside Kenya and featuring guns instead of spears, of successful armed resistance to maintain crucial aspects of autonomy is the Basuto Gun War of 1880–1881, whose ultimate legacy remains tangible even today, in the form of Lesotho.
Jump up ^ Maxon 1989, p. 44.
Jump up ^ Robert W. Strayer (9 February 1986). "Letter: Out of Africa". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 March 2012.
Jump up ^ Lapping 1989, p. 469.
Jump up ^ Berman 1990, p. 72 n.43.
^ Jump up to: a b c Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 187.
Jump up ^ Mosley 1983, p. 5.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 3.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, pp. 1–5.
Elkins 2005, p. 2, notes that the (British taxpayer) loans were never repaid on the Uganda Railway; they were written off in the 1930s.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Kanogo 1993, p. 8.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Anderson 2005, p. 10.
Jump up ^ Carter 1934.
Jump up ^ Shilaro 2002, p. 123.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 159.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 5.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Kanogo 1993, p. 9.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 29: "This judgment is now widely known to Africans in Kenya, and it has become clear to them that, without their being previously informed or consulted, their rights in their tribal land, whether communal or individual, have 'disappeared' in law and have been superseded by the rights of the Crown."
Jump up ^ Emerson Welch 1980, p. 16.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, p. 498. "The recruitment of African labor at poor rates of pay and under primitive conditions of work was characteristic of the operation of colonial capitalism in Africa during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. . . . [C]olonial states readily colluded with capital in providing the legal framework necessary for the recruitment and maintenance of labor in adequate numbers and at low cost to the employer. . . . The colonial state shared the desire of the European settler to encourage Africans into the labour market, whilst also sharing a concern to moderate the wages paid to workers".
^ Jump up to: a b Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 173: "Casual labourers leave their reserves . . . to earn the wherewithal to pay their 'Hut Tax' and to get money to purchase trade goods."
Jump up ^ Shilaro 2002, p. 117: "African reserves in Kenya were legally constituted in the Crown Lands Amendment Ordinance of 1926".
Though finalised in 1926, reserves were first instituted by the Crown Lands Ordinance of 1915—see Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 29.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, pp. 506.
Jump up ^ Kanogo 1993, p. 13.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, pp. 505.
Jump up ^ Creech Jones, Arthur. "Native Labour; House of Commons Debate, 10 November 1937". Hansard. Series 5, Vol. 328, cc. 1757-9. Retrieved 13 April 2013.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 17.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, p. 508.
Jump up ^ Kanogo 1993, pp. 96–7.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, p. 507.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 166: "In many parts of the territory we were informed that the majority of farmers were having the utmost difficulty in obtaining labour to cultivate and to harvest their crops".
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, pp. 155–6.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 180: "The population of the district to which one medical officer is allotted amounts more often than not to over a quarter of a million natives distributed over a large area. . . . [T]here are large areas in which no medical work is being undertaken."
Jump up ^ Swainson 1980, p. 23.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2004, pp. 516–28.
Jump up ^ Curtis 2003, pp. 320–1.
Jump up ^ R. M. A. Van Zwanenberg; Anne King (1975). An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda 1800-1970. The Bowering Press. ISBN 978-0-333-17671-9.
^ Jump up to: a b Ogot 2003, p. 16.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 282.
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, p. 198.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 25.
Jump up ^ Branch 2007, p. 1.
^ Jump up to: a b c Elkins 2005, p. 32.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 65.
Jump up ^ Füredi 1989, p. 116.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, pp. 66–7.
Jump up ^ Anderson, David (2005). Histories of the Hanged. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 252.
Jump up ^ Anderson, David (2005). Histories of the Hanged. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 239.
Jump up ^ "When the Mau Mau Used a Biological Weapon – Owaahh". Owaahh. 2014-10-30. Retrieved 2018-02-12.
Jump up ^ Presley, Cora Ann (1992). Kikuyu Women, the Mau Mau Rebellion and Social Change in Kenya. Boulder: Westview Press.
Jump up ^ Füredi 1989, p. 4.
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, pp. 182–3.
Jump up ^ Mahone 2006, p. 241: "This article opens with a retelling of colonial accounts of the 'mania of 1911', which took place in the Kamba region of Kenya Colony. The story of this 'psychic epidemic' and others like it were recounted over the years as evidence depicting the predisposition of Africans to episodic mass hysteria."
Jump up ^ McCulloch 2006, pp. 64–76.
Search Results for author Carothers JC on PubMed. includes a 1947 study of "mental derangement in Africans, and an attempt to explain its peculiarities, more especially in relation to the African attitude to life". For his "magnum opus", see Carothers 1953.
Jump up ^ Füredi 1994, pp. 119–21.
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, pp. 183–5.
Jump up ^ Clough 1998, p. 4.
^ Jump up to: a b Branch 2009, p. 3.
^ Jump up to: a b "Mau Mau uprising: Bloody history of Kenya conflict". BBC News. 7 April 2011. Retrieved 12 May 2011. There was lots of suffering on the other side too. This was a dirty war. It became a civil war—though that idea remains extremely unpopular in Kenya today. (The quote is of Professor David Anderson).
Jump up ^ Füredi 1989, pp. 4–5: "Since they were the most affected by the colonial system and the most educated about its ways, the Kikuyu emerged as the most politicized African community in Kenya."
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, p. 196: "The impact of colonial capitalism and the colonial state hit the Kikuyu with greater force and effect than any other of Kenya's peoples, setting off new processes of differentiation and class formation."
Jump up ^ Thomas, Beth (1993). "Historian, Kenya native's book on Mau Mau revolt". UpDate. 13 (13): 7.
Jump up ^ See in particular David Elstein's angry letters:
"Letters: Tell me where I'm wrong". London Review of Books. 27 (11). 2005. Retrieved 3 May 2011.
"The End of the Mau Mau". The New York Review of Books. 52 (11). 2005. Retrieved 3 May 2011.
"Letters: Tell me where I'm wrong". London Review of Books. 27 (14). 2005. Retrieved 3 May 2011.
While Elstein regards the "requirement" for the "great majority of Kikuyu" to live inside 800 "fortified villages" as "serv[ing] the purpose of protection", Professor David Anderson (amongst others) regards the "compulsory resettlement" of "1,007,500 Kikuyu" inside what, for the "most" part, were "little more than concentration camps" as "punitive . . . to punish Mau Mau sympathisers". See Elstein's "Daniel Goldhagen and Kenya: recycling fantasy" and Anderson 2005, p. 294.
^ Jump up to: a b c Ogot 2005, p. 502: "There was no reason and no restraint on both sides, although Elkins sees no atrocities on the part of Mau Mau."
Jump up ^ Pirouet 1977, p. 197.
^ Jump up to: a b Clough 1998.
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, p. 197: "[D]eveloping conflicts . . . in Kikuyu society were expressed in a vigorous internal debate."
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, pp. 11–2.
^ Jump up to: a b Branch 2009, p. xi.
Jump up ^ Berman 1991, p. 199.
Jump up ^ Branch 2009, p. 1.
Jump up ^ Branch 2009, p. 2.
Jump up ^ Pirouet 1977, p. 200.
Jump up ^ Kalyvas 2006.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, pp. 31–2.
^ Jump up to: a b c Nissimi 2006, p. 4.
Jump up ^ French 2011, p. 29.
Jump up ^ "Mau Mau case: UK government accepts abuse took place". BBC News. 17 July 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b c French 2011, p. 72.
^ Jump up to: a b French 2011, p. 55.
Jump up ^ Olivier, Sydney. "East African Policy; House of Lords Debate, 7 December 1927". Hansard. Series 5, Vol. 211, cc. 551–600. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
The quote is of Ewart Grogan; Sydney Olivier was quoting Grogan & Sharp 1900, p. 360.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 75: "According to Emergency regulations, the governor could issue Native Land Rights Confiscation Orders, whereby '[e]ach of the persons named in the schedule . . . participated or aided in violent resistance against the forces of law and order' and therefore had his land confiscated".
Jump up ^ Wallis, Holly (18 April 2012). "British colonial files released following legal challenge". BBC News. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 62.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 35–6.
^ Jump up to: a b Anderson 2005, p. 63.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 68.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 38.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 69.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, pp. 62–3.
Jump up ^ Andrew 2009, pp. 456–7.
See also: Walton 2013, pp. 236–86.
Jump up ^ Andrew 2009, p. 454. See also the relevant footnote, n.96 of p. 454.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 39.
^ Jump up to: a b Berman 1991, p. 189.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 37.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 37–8.
^ Jump up to: a b Clough 1998, p. 25.
^ Jump up to: a b French 2011, p. 116.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 83.
Jump up ^ "They Follow the Dug-Out General". Sunday Mail. Brisbane. 19 April 1953. p. 15. Retrieved 17 November 2013 – via National Library of Australia.
Jump up ^ "END MAY BE NEAR FOR THE MAU MAU". The Sunday Herald. Sydney. 30 August 1953. p. 8. Retrieved 17 November 2013 – via National Library of Australia.
Jump up ^ "PSYOP of the Mau-Mau UprisingSGM" Herbert A. Friedman (Ret.) 4 Jan 2006, accessed 9 November 2013
Jump up ^ "MAU MAU GENERAL SURRENDERS". The Sydney Morning Herald. 9 March 1954. p. 3. Retrieved 9 November 2013 – via National Library of Australia.
Jump up ^ French 2011, p. 32.
Jump up ^ French 2011, pp. 116–7.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 124: "There was an unusual consensus in the ranks of both the military and Baring's civilian government that the colony's capital was the nerve center for Mau Mau operations. Nearly three-quarters of the city's African male population of sixty thousand were Kikuyu, and most of these men, along with some twenty thousand Kikuyu women and children accompanying them, were allegedly 'active or passive supporters of Mau Mau'."
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 121–5.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Chappell 2011.
Jump up ^ Chappell 2011, p. 68.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 86: "Before the Emergency ended, the RAF dropped the amazing total of 50,000 tons of bombs on the forests and fired over 2 million rounds from machine guns during strafing runs. It is not known how many humans or animals were killed."
Jump up ^ Chappell 2011, p. 67.
Jump up ^ Edgerton 1989, p. 86.
Jump up ^ Anderson 1988: "The Swynnerton Plan was among the most comprehensive of all the post-war colonial development programmes implemented in British Africa. Largely framed prior to the declaration of the State of Emergency in 1952, but not implemented until two years later, this development is central to the story of Kenya's decolonization".
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 127.
Jump up ^ Ogot 1995, p. 48.
Jump up ^ Anderson 1988.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 128–9.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 125.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 62–90.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 109.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 108.
Jump up ^ The term gulag is used by David Anderson and Caroline Elkins. For Anderson, see his 2005 Histories of the Hanged, p. 7: "Virtually every one of the acquitted men . . . would spend the next several years in the notorious detention camps of the Kenyan gulag"; for Elkins, see the title of the UK edition of her 2005 book, Britain's Gulag.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 136.
^ Jump up to: a b Editorial (11 April 2011). "Mau Mau abuse case: Time to say sorry". The Guardian. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c Elkins 2005, pp. 154–91.
Jump up ^ Peterson 2008, pp. 75–6, 89, 91: "Some detainees, worried that the substance of their lives was draining away, thought their primary duty lay with their families. They therefore confessed to British officers, and sought an early release from detention. Other detainees refused to accept the British demand that they sully other people's reputations by naming those whom they knew to be involved in Mau Mau. This 'hard core' kept their mouths closed, and languished for years in detention. The battle behind the wire was not fought over detainees' loyalty to a Mau Mau movement. Detainees' intellectual and moral concerns were always close to home. . . . British officials thought that those who confessed had broken their allegiance to Mau Mau. But what moved detainees to confess was not their broken loyalty to Mau Mau, but their devotion to their families. British officials played on this devotion to hasten a confession. . . . The battle behind the wire was not fought between patriotic hard-core Mau Mau and weak-kneed, wavering, broken men who confessed. . . . Both hard core and soft core had their families in mind."
^ Jump up to: a b Elkins 2005, p. 178.
^ Jump up to: a b Editorial (13 April 2011). "Taking on the Boss: The quiet whistleblowers on events in Kenya deserve praise". The Times. Retrieved 13 April 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Elkins 2005, pp. 179–91.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 148. It is debatable whether Peter Kenyatta was sympathetic to Mau Mau in the first place and therefore whether he truly switched sides.
Jump up ^ Mike Thompson (7 April 2011). "Mau Mau blame 'goes right to the top'". Today. BBC. 00:40–00:54. Retrieved 12 May 2011.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 176–7.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 171–7.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 144.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, Chapter 5: The Birth of Britain's Gulag.
Jump up ^ Curtis 2003, pp. 316–33.
Jump up ^ Ian Cobain; Peter Walker (11 April 2011). "Secret memo gave guidelines on abuse of Mau Mau in 1950s". The Guardian. Retrieved 13 April 2011. Baring informed Lennox-Boyd that eight European officers were facing accusations of a series of murders, beatings and shootings. They included: "One District Officer, murder by beating up and roasting alive of one African." Despite receiving such clear briefings, Lennox-Boyd repeatedly denied that the abuses were happening, and publicly denounced those colonial officials who came forward to complain.
Jump up ^ Peterson 2008, p. 84.
^ Jump up to: a b c Elkins 2005, p. 262.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 151–2.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 227.
Jump up ^ Curtis 2003, p. 327.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 153.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 240–1.
Jump up ^ French 2011, pp. 116–37.
Jump up ^ McCulloch 2006, p. 70.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 234–5. See also n.3 of p. 235.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 235. Anderson 2005, p. 294, gives a slightly lower figure (1,007,500) for the number of individuals affected.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 240.
^ Jump up to: a b c Anderson 2005, p. 294.
Jump up ^ Nissimi 2006, pp. 9–10.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 239.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 236–7.
Jump up ^ French 2011, p. 120.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 238.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 293.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 252.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 259–60.
^ Jump up to: a b c Elkins 2005, p. 260.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 263.
^ Jump up to: a b Blacker 2007.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 260–1.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 263: "It is accepted policy that cases of pulmonary tuberculosis . . . be returned to their reserve to avail themselves of the routine medical control and treatment within their areas". (The quote is of the colony's director of medical services).
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 263–4: "The financial situation has now worsened. . . . Schemes of medical help, however desirable and however high their medical priority, could not in [these] circumstances be approved". (The quote is of Baring).
^ Jump up to: a b Pinckney, Thomas C.; Kimuyu, Peter K. (1994-04-01). "Land Tenure Reform in East Africa: Good, Bad or Unimportant?1". Journal of African Economies. 3 (1): 1–28. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.jae.a036794. ISSN 0963-8024.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 2.
^ Jump up to: a b c David Elstein (7 April 2011). "Daniel Goldhagen and Kenya: recycling fantasy". openDemocracy.org. Retrieved 8 March 2012.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. xiv.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 366.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 7.
Jump up ^ Gary D. Solis (15 February 2010). The Law of Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law in War. Cambridge University Press. pp. 301–303. ISBN 978-1-139-48711-5.
Jump up ^ "The sun is at last setting on Britain's imperial myth".
Jump up ^ MARK CURTIS (2003). WEB OF DECEIT: BRITAIN'S REAL FOREIGN POLICY: BRITAIN'S REAL ROLE IN THE WORLD. VINTAGE. pp. 324–330.
Jump up ^ Caroline Elkins (2005). Britain's gulag: the brutal end of empire in Kenya. Pimlico. pp. 124–145.
Jump up ^ David Anderson (23 January 2013). Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. W. W. Norton. pp. 150–154.
^ Jump up to: a b "Kenya: UK expresses regret over abuse as Mau Mau promised payout". The Guardian. London. 5 June 2013.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 87.
Jump up ^ "Sins of colonialists lay concealed for decades in secret archive". The Guardian. London. 18 April 2012.
Jump up ^ Maloba, Wunyabari O. Mau Mau and Kenya: An Analysis of a Peasant Revolt. (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Indiana: 1993) pp. 142-43.
Jump up ^ "indepth/special-report-3". ogiek.org. Archived from the original on 21 October 2004. Retrieved 28 July 2016.
Jump up ^ "Mau Mau massacre documents revealed". BBC News. 30 November 2012. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, pp. 119–180.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 127.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 132.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, p. 94.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 42.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 66.
Jump up ^ Carus, W. Seth (2002). Bioterrorism and Biocrimes: The Illicit Use of Biological Agents Since 1900 (Reprint of 1st ed.). Amsterdam: Fredonia Books. pp. 63–65. This episode is not mentioned in histories of the Mau Mau revolt, suggesting that such incidents were rare.
^ Jump up to: a b Wasserman 1976, p. 1.
Jump up ^ Nissimi 2006, p. 2.
Jump up ^ Branch & Cheeseman 2006, p. 11: "The co-option of sympathetic African elites during the colonial twilight into the bureaucracy, the legislature and the private property-based economy meant that the allies of colonialism and representatives of transnational capital were able to reap the benefits of independence. . . . The post-colonial state must therefore be seen as a representation of the interests protected and promoted during the latter years of colonial rule. Under Jomo Kenyatta, the post-colonial state represented a 'pact-of-domination' between transnational capital, the elite and the executive."
Jump up ^ Percox 2005, pp. 752.
Jump up ^ Lonsdale 2000, pp. 109–10. "Mau Mau, despite its problematic claims to be called 'nationalist' . . . forced the issue of power in a way that KAU had never done. It was not that Mau Mau won its war against the British; guerrilla movements rarely win in military terms; and militarily Mau Mau was defeated. But in order to crown peace with sustainable civil governance—and thus reopen a prospect of controlled decolonization—the British had to abandon 'multiracialism' and adopt African rule as their vision of Kenya's future. . . . The blood of Mau Mau, no matter how peculiarly ethnic in source and aim, was the seed of Kenya's all-African sovereignty."
Jump up ^ Wasserman 1976, p. 1: "Although the rise of nationalist movements in Africa was certainly a contributing factor in the dismantling of the colonial empires, one cannot wholly attribute the 'demise of colonialism' to the rise of nationalism. . . . [T]he decolonization process was shaped by an adaptive reaction of colonial political and economic interests to the political ascendency of a nationalist elite and to the threat of disruption by the masses."
Jump up ^ "British-backed Mau Mau memorial set to open in rare colonial apology". The Economic Times. AFP. 11 September 2015.
Jump up ^ "Former guerrillas seek damages". The Irish Times. 8 August 1999. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ "Mau Mau compensation demand". BBC News. 20 August 1999. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Thompson, Mike (9 November 2002). "Mau Mau rebels threaten court action". BBC News. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Plaut, Martin (31 August 2003). "Kenya lifts ban on Mau Mau". BBC News. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Mike Pflanz (11 October 2006). "Mau Mau veterans issue writ deadline". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
Jump up ^ Mitchell, Andrew (26 September 2006). "Mau Mau veterans to sue over British 'atrocities'". The Independent. London. Retrieved 12 April 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Ireland, Corydon (1 September 2011). "Justice for Kenya's Mau Mau". Harvard Gazette. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ McGhie, John (9 November 2002). "Kenya: White Terror". BBC. Retrieved 26 May 2012.
Jump up ^ " 'He came with pliers'—Kenyan alleges torture by British colonial authorities". BBC News. 7 April 2011. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ "Mau Mau case: UK government cannot be held liable". BBC News. 7 April 2011. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b c McConnell, Tristan (21 July 2011). "Kenyan veterans celebrate first victory in compensation claim". The Times. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Macintyre, Ben (8 April 2011). "In court to face the ghosts of the past". The Times. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ "UK 'atrocity' apology". BBC News. 4 March 2005. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Owen Bowcott (5 April 2011). "Kenyans sue UK for alleged colonial human rights abuses". The Guardian. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
Jump up ^ Owen Bowcott (7 April 2011). "Mau Mau victims seek compensation from UK for alleged torture". The Guardian. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
Jump up ^ Owen Bowcott (21 July 2011). "Mau Mau torture claim Kenyans win right to sue British government". The Guardian. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
Jump up ^ Dominic Casciani (21 July 2011). "Mau Mau Kenyans allowed to sue UK government". BBC News. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
Jump up ^ Macintyre, Ben; Ralph, Alex; McConnell, Tristan (21 July 2011). "Kenyans can sue over 'colonial torture' ". The Times. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Editorial (22 July 2011). "Good News from London". The Times. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Ben Macintyre (12 April 2011). "Torture device No 1: the legal rubber stamp". The Times. Retrieved 12 April 2011.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2011.
Jump up ^ "Kenyans were tortured during Mau Mau rebellion, High Court hears". London: telegraph.co.uk. 18 July 2012. Retrieved 18 March 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b Ben Macintyre; Billy Kenber (13 April 2011). "Brutal beatings and the 'roasting alive' of a suspect: what secret Mau Mau files reveal". The Times. Retrieved 13 April 2011. Sir Evelyn Baring, the Governor of Kenya, in a telegram to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, reported allegations of extreme brutality made against eight European district officers. They included 'assault by beating up and burning of two Africans during screening [interrogation]' and one officer accused of 'murder by beating up and roasting alive of one African'. No action was taken against the accused.
Jump up ^ Caroline Elkins (14 April 2011). "My critics ignored evidence of torture in Mau Mau detention camps". The Guardian. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Kenber, Billy (19 April 2011). "New documents show how Britain sanctioned Mau Mau torture". The Times. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b Andy McSmith (8 April 2011). "Cabinet 'hushed up' torture of Mau Mau rebels". The Independent. London. Retrieved 10 February 2012.
Jump up ^ Wallis, Holly (18 April 2012). "British colonial files released following legal challenge". BBC News. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Question, House of Lords, London 12 May 1959 – 'Whether the Government will make available to this House the text of the Cowan plan'
Jump up ^ Dominic Casciani (12 April 2011). "British Mau Mau abuse papers revealed". BBC News. Retrieved 12 May 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c Ben Macintyre (5 April 2011). "Tales of brutality and violence that could open the claims floodgate". The Times. Retrieved 6 April 2011. A letter was sent to William Hague on March 31 stating: 'The Republic of Kenya fully supports the claimants' case and has publicly denied any notion that responsibility for any acts and atrocities committed by the British colonial administration during the Kenya 'Emergency' was inherited by the Republic of Kenya.'
Jump up ^ David Anderson (25 July 2011). "It's not just Kenya. Squaring up to the seamier side of empire is long overdue". The Guardian. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
Jump up ^ For more on Anderson's reaction to the 'missing' papers, see:
"Colonial secret papers to be made public". BBC News. 6 May 2011. Retrieved 12 May 2011.
Mark Thompson (7 April 2011). "Mau Mau blame 'goes right to the top'". Today. BBC. 02:38–03:31. Retrieved 12 May 2011. These new documents were withheld because they were considered to be particularly sensitive, so we can but imagine what will be in these documents. . . . Senior members of the Commonwealth Office in London did know what was happening; senior legal officials in London did, to some extent, sanction the use of coercive force; and also, at Cabinet level, the Secretary of State for the Colonies certainly knew of the excesses that were taking place. (The quote is of Anderson).
Jump up ^ James Blitz (5 April 2011). "Mau Mau case casts light on colonial records". Financial Times. Retrieved 9 April 2011.
Jump up ^ McGhie, John (9 November 2002). "Kenya: White Terror". Correspondent. BBC. Retrieved 26 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Macintyre, Ben; Kenber, Billy (15 April 2011). "Hundreds more top secret files missing in Mau Mau abuse case". The Times. Retrieved 26 May 2012. In a statement to the court dated March 8, released to The Times yesterday, Martin Tucker, head of corporate records at the Foreign Office, reported that the 13 missing boxes could not be found. 'There were at one time a further 13 boxes of material retrieved from Kenya at independence which are additional to the documents discovered in Hanslope Park [the closed Foreign Office repository in Buckinghamshire] in January of this year', he wrote. He found evidence that the files had once been stored in the basement of the Old Admiralty Building in Whitehall, but traces of them had vanished after 1995.
Jump up ^ Elkins, Caroline (18 April 2012). "The colonial papers: FCO transparency is a carefully cultivated myth". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Cobain, Ian (5 October 2012). "Mau Mau torture case: Kenyans win ruling against UK". theguardian.com. Retrieved 6 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Day, Martyn; Leader, Dan (5 October 2012). "The Kenyans tortured by the British must now be justly treated". theguardian.com. Retrieved 6 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Townsend, Mark (23 December 2012). "Fury as Britain fights ruling on Kenya torture victims". theguardian.com. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Cobain, Ian; Hatcher, Jessica (5 May 2013). "Kenyan Mau Mau victims in talks with UK government over legal settlement". theguardian.com. Retrieved 6 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Bennett, Huw (5 May 2013). "Kenyan Mau Mau: official policy was to cover up brutal mistreatment". theguardian.com. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Lonsdale 2003, p. 47.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, pp. 360–3: "During the run-up to independence and the years that followed, former loyalists also wielded political clout to consolidate their own interests and power. Under Kenyatta many became influential members of the new government. . . . This system of loyalist patronage percolated all the way down to the local level of government, with former Home Guards dominating bureaucracies that had once been the preserve of the young British colonial officers in the African districts. Of the numerous vacancies created by decolonization—powerful posts like provincial commissioner and district commissioner—the vast majority were filled by one time loyalists."
Jump up ^ Branch 2009, pp. xii–xiii.
^ Jump up to: a b Jacob Ole Miaron, Permanent Secretary of the Vice President Ministry of State for National Heritage and Culture (26 February 2009). "Speech to the 52nd Commemoration of the Memory of Dedan Kimathi" (pdf). Retrieved 14 April 2011.
Jump up ^ "Chapter Two—The Republic" (PDF). Constitution of Kenya, 2010. National Council for Law Reporting. Article 9, p. 15. The national days . . . [shall include] Mashujaa Day, to be observed on 20 October .
Jump up ^ Dominic Odipo (10 May 2010). "Who are Kenya's real heroes?". The Standard. Nairobi: Standard Group. Changing Kenyatta Day to Mashujaa Day is not just an innocuous and harmless exercise in constitutional semantics.
^ Jump up to: a b Jenkins, Cathy (22 March 2001). "Monuments for the Mau Mau". BBC News. Retrieved 30 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Anderson 2005, pp. 335–6: "[Kenyatta] often spoke of the need to 'forgive and forget', and to 'bury the past'. He acknowledged the part the freedom fighters had played in the struggle, but he never once made any public statement that conceded to them any rights or any genuine compensation. Mau Mau was a thing best forgotten. . . . In Kenyatta's Kenya there would be a deafening silence about Mau Mau".
Jump up ^ Branch 2009, pp. xiii–xiv.
Jump up ^ Nissimi 2006, p. 11.
Jump up ^ Ormsby-Gore 1925, p. 148.
Jump up ^ Kanogo 1993, p. 10.
Jump up ^ Elkins 2005, p. 63.
Bibliography
Adekson, J. 'Bayo (1981). "The Algerian and Mau Mau Revolts: a Comparative Study in Revolutionary Warfare". Comparative Strategy. 3 (1): 69–92. doi:10.1080/01495938108402629.
Alam, S.M. Shamsul (2007). Rethinking the Mau Mau in Colonial Kenya. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-8374-7.
Anderson, David (1988). "Smallholder Agriculture in Colonial Kenya: the Official Mind and the Swynnerton Plan. By ANNE THURSTON. Cambridge: University Press, 1987. Pp. 141 (ISBN 0-902-99319-4)". African Affairs. 87 (348): 472. JSTOR 722455.
——— (2004). "Kenya, 1895–1939: Registration and Rough Justice". In Douglas Hay & Paul Craven, eds., Masters, Servants, and Magistrates in Britain and the Empire, 1562–1955. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-807-82877-9.
——— (2005). Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-84719-9.
———; Bennett, Huw; Branch, Daniel (2006). "A Very British Massacre". History Today. 56 (8): 20–22.
Andrew, Christopher (2009). The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5. London: Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-7139-9885-6.
Atieno-Odhiambo, Elisha Stephen (1995). "The Formative Years: 1945–55". In Bethwell Allan Ogot & William Robert Ochieng', eds., Decolonization and Independence in Kenya, 1940–93. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 25–47. ISBN 978-0-8214-1051-6.
Berman, Bruce (1991). "Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Modernity: The Paradox of Mau Mau". Canadian Journal of African Studies. 25 (2): 181–206. JSTOR 485216.
——— (1990). Control & Crisis in Colonial Kenya: The Dialectic of Domination. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 978-0-852-55069-4.
Blacker, John (2007). "The Demography of Mau Mau: Fertility and Mortality in Kenya in the 1950s: A Demographer's Viewpoint". African Affairs. 106 (423): 205–227. doi:10.1093/afraf/adm014. JSTOR 4496439.
Branch, Daniel (2007). "The Enemy Within: Loyalists and the War Against Mau Mau in Kenya" (PDF). The Journal of African History. 48 (2): 291–315. doi:10.1017/s0021853707002812. JSTOR 4501043.
——— (2009). Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonization. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-13090-5.
———; Cheeseman, Nicholas (2006). "The Politics of Control in Kenya: Understanding the Bureaucratic-Executive State, 1952–78". Review of African Political Economy. 33 (107): 11–31. doi:10.1080/03056240600671183. JSTOR 4007109.
Brantley, Cynthia (1981). The Giriama and Colonial Resistance in Kenya, 1800–1920. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04216-2.
Carothers, John Colin (1953). The African Mind in Health and Disease: A Study in Ethnopsychiatry. Geneva: World Health Organization.
Carter, Morris; et al. (1934). "The Kenya Land Commission Report". London: Government Printer.
Chappell, Stephen (2011). "Air Power in the Mau Mau Conflict: The Government's Chief Weapon" (PDF). RUSI Journal. 156 (1): 64–70. doi:10.1080/03071847.2011.559986. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 October 2013.
Clough, Marshall S. (1998). Mau Mau Memoirs: History, Memory and Politics. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-555-87537-4.
Coray, Michael S. (1978). "The Kenya Land Commission and the Kikuyu of Kiambu". Agricultural History. 52 (1): 179–193. JSTOR 3742957.
Corfield, Frank (1960). The Origins and Growth of Mau Mau: an Historical Survey ('The Corfield Report'). Nairobi: Government of Kenya. ISBN 978-0-521-13090-5.
Curtis, Mark (2003). Web of Deceit: Britain's Real Role in the World. London: Vintage. ISBN 978-0-099-44839-6.
Edgerton, Robert B. (1989). Mau Mau: An African Crucible. New York, NY: The Free Press. ISBN 978-0-029-08920-0.
Elkins, Caroline (2005). Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain's Gulag in Kenya. New York, NY: Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-0-805-07653-0. US edition
——— (2005). Britain's Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 978-0-224-07363-9. UK edition
——— (2011). "Alchemy of Evidence: Mau Mau, the British Empire, and the High Court of Justice". The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 39 (5): 731–748. doi:10.1080/03086534.2011.629084.
Ellis, John (1986) [1975]. The Social History of the Machine Gun. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-801-83358-8.
Emerson Welch, Claude (1980). Anatomy of Rebellion. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-873-95441-9.
French, David (2011). The British Way in Counter-Insurgency, 1945–1967. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-199-58796-4.
Füredi, Frank (1989). The Mau Mau War in Perspective. London: James Currey; Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya; Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-821-40940-4.
——— (1994). Colonial Wars and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-850-43784-0.
Gerlach, Christian (2010). Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-88058-9.
Grogan, Ewart S.; Sharp, Arthur H. (1900). From the Cape to Cairo: The First Traverse of Africa from South to North. London: Hurst and Blackett.
Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2006). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-85409-2.
Kanogo, Tabitha (1992). Dedan Kimathi: A Biography. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers.
——— (1993) [1987]. Squatters and the Roots of Mau Mau, 1905–63. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers. ISBN 9966-46-326-7.
Lapping, Brian (1989). End of Empire (revised ed.). London: Paladin. ISBN 978-0-586-08870-8.
Leys, Norman (1973). Kenya (4th ed.). London: Frank Cass. ISBN 978-0-714-61688-9.
Lonsdale, John (2000). KAU's Cultures: Imaginations of Community and Constructions of Leadership in Kenya after the Second World War. Journal of African Cultural Studies. 13. pp. 107–124. doi:10.1080/713674307. JSTOR 1771859.
——— (2003). "Authority, Gender & Violence: The war within Mau Mau's fight for land & freedom". In Elisha Stephen Atieno-Odhiambo & John Lonsdale, eds., Mau Mau and Nationhood: Arms, Authority and Narration. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 46–75. ISBN 978-0-852-55478-4.
Mahone, Sloan (2006). The Psychology of Rebellion: Colonial Medical Responses to Dissent in British East Africa. The Journal of African History. 47. pp. 241–258. doi:10.1017/s0021853706001769. JSTOR 4100723.
Majdalany, Fred (1963). State of Emergency: The Full Story of Mau Mau. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Maloba, Wunyabari O. (1998) [1993]. Mau Mau and Kenya: An Analysis of a Peasant Revolt (revised ed.). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-852-55745-7.
Maxon, Robert M. (1989). Conflict and Accommodation in Western Kenya: The Gusii and the British, 1907–1963. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. ISBN 978-0-838-63350-2.
McCulloch, Jock (2006) [1995]. Colonial Psychiatry and "the African Mind" (revised ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-03480-7.
Meinertzhagen, Richard (1957). Kenya Diary, 1902–1906. London: Oliver and Boyd.
Mosley, Paul (1983). The Settler Economies: Studies in the Economic History of Kenya and Southern Rhodesia 1900–1963 (reprint ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-10245-2.
Mumford, Andrew (2012). The Counter-Insurgency Myth: The British Experience of Irregular Warfare. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-66745-6.
Mungeam, G. H. (1970). "Masai and Kikuyu Responses to the Establishment of British Administration in the East Africa Protectorate". The Journal of African History. 11 (1): 127–143. doi:10.1017/s0021853700037476. JSTOR 180220.
Newsinger, John (1981). "Revolt and Repression in Kenya: The 'Mau Mau' Rebellion, 1952–1960". Science & Society. 45 (2): 159–185. JSTOR 40402312.
Nissimi, Hilda (2006). "Mau Mau and the Decolonisation of Kenya". Journal of Military and Strategic Studies. 8 (3). Archived from the original on 22 March 2012.
Ogot, Bethwell Allan (1995). "The Decisive Years: 1956–63". In Bethwell Allan Ogot & William Robert Ochieng', eds., Decolonization and Independence in Kenya, 1940–93. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 48–82. ISBN 978-0-8214-1051-6.
——— (2003). "Mau Mau & Nationhood: The Untold Story". In Atieno-Odhiambo; Lonsdale. In Elisha Stephen Atieno-Odhiambo & John Lonsdale, eds., Mau Mau and Nationhood: Arms, Authority and Narration. Oxford: James Currey. pp. 8–36. ISBN 978-0-852-55478-4.
——— (2005). "BRITAIN'S GULAG Histories of the Hanged: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. By DAVID ANDERSON. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2005. Pp. viii+406 (ISBN 0-297-84719-8). Britain's Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya. By CAROLINE ELKINS (London: Jonathan Cape, 2005). Pp. xiv+475". The Journal of African History. 46: 493–505. doi:10.1017/S0021853705000939.
——— (2012). "Essence of ethnicity: an African perspective". In Hiroyuki Hino, John Lonsdale, Gustav Ranis & Frances Stewart, eds., Ethnic Diversity and Economic Stability in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 91–126. ISBN 978-1-107-02599-8.
Ormsby-Gore, William; et al. (1925). Report of the East Africa Commission. London: Government Printer. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Page, Malcolm (2011) [1996]. King's African Rifles: A History. Barnsley: Pen and Sword Books. ISBN 978-1-84884-438-4.
Percox, David A. (2005). "Kenya: Mau Mau Revolt". In Kevin Shillington, ed., Encyclopedia of African History, Volume 2, H–O. New York, NY: Fitzroy Dearborn. pp. 751–752. ISBN 978-1-579-58245-6.
Peterson, Derek R. (2008). "The Intellectual Lives of Detainees". The Journal of African History. 49 (1): 73–91. doi:10.1017/s0021853708003411. JSTOR 40206614.
Pirouet, M. Louise (1977). "Armed Resistance and Counter-Insurgency: Reflections on the Anya Nya and Mau Mau Experiences". In Ali A. Mazrui, ed., The Warrior Tradition in Modern Africa. Leiden: Brill. pp. 197–214. ISBN 978-9-004-05646-6.
Ranger, T. O. (1968). "Connexions between 'Primary Resistance' Movements and Modern Mass Nationalism in East and Central Africa. Part I". The Journal of African History. 9 (3): 437–453. doi:10.1017/s0021853700008665. JSTOR 180275.
Sandgren, David (2012). Mau Mau's Children: The Making of Kenya's Postcolonial Elite. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-28784-9.
Swainson, Nicola (1980). The Development of Corporate Capitalism in Kenya, 1918–77. Berkeley & Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-03988-9.
Thiong'o, Ngugi wa (2010) [1997]. "Detained: A Writer's Prison Diary". In Roy R. Grinker, Stephen C. Lubkemann & Christopher B. Steiner, eds., Perspectives on Africa: A Reader in Culture, History and Representation (2nd ed.). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 462–470. ISBN 978-1-444-33522-4.
Walton, Calder (2013). Empire of Secrets: British Intelligence, the Cold War and the Twilight of Empire. London: HarperPress. ISBN 978-0-007-45796-0.
Wasserman, Gary (1976). Politics of Decolonization: Kenya Europeans and the Land Issue 1960–1965 (digital reprint ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-10023-6.
Further reading[edit]
Bennett, Huw (2012). Fighting the Mau Mau: The British Army and Counter-Insurgency in the Kenya Emergency. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-02970-5.
Berman, Bruce; Lonsdale, John (1992). Unhappy Valley: Conflict in Kenya and Africa; Book One: State & Class. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 978-0-852-55021-2.
Berman, Bruce; Lonsdale, John (1992). Unhappy Valley: Conflict in Kenya and Africa; Book Two: Violence & Ethnicity. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 978-0-852-55099-1.
Branch, Daniel (2006). "Loyalists, Mau Mau, and Elections in Kenya: The First Triumph of the System, 1957–1958". Africa Today. 53 (2): 27–50. doi:10.1353/at.2006.0069. JSTOR 4187771.
Clough, Marshall S. (1990). Fighting Two Sides: Kenyan Chiefs and Politicians, 1918–1940. Niwot, CO: University Press of Colorado. ISBN 978-0-870-81207-1.
Derrick, Jonathan (2008). Africa's "Agitators": Militant Anti-Colonialism in Africa and the West, 1918–1939. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-70056-6.
Heinlein, Frank (2002). British Government Policy and Decolonisation, 1945-1963: Scrutinising the Official Mind. London: Frank Cass. ISBN 978-0-7146-5220-7.
Henderson, Ian; Goodhart, Philip (1958). Man Hunt in Kenya. New York, NY: Doubleday and Company.
Hewitt, Peter (2008) [1999]. Kenya Cowboy: A Police Officer's Account of the Mau Mau Emergency. Johannesburg: 30° South Publishers. ISBN 978-1-920-14323-7.
Kariuki, Josiah Mwangi (1975). "Mau Mau" Detainee: The Account by a Kenya African of his Experiences in Detention Camps 1953–1960. New York and London: Oxford University Press.
Kyle, Keith (1999). The Politics of the Independence of Kenya. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-72008-3.
Lonsdale, John (1990). "Mau Maus of the Mind: Making Mau Mau and Remaking Kenya". The Journal of African History. 31 (3): 393–421. doi:10.1017/s0021853700031157. JSTOR 182877.
Lovatt Smith, David (2005). Kenya, the Kikuyu and Mau Mau. Mawenzi Books. ISBN 978-0-954-47132-3.
Lyttelton, Oliver (1962). The Memoirs of Lord Chandos. London: Bodley Head.
Marsh, Zoe; Kingsnorth, G. W. (1972). A History of East Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-08348-6.
Murphy, Philip (1999) [1995]. Party Politics and Decolonization: The Conservative Party and British Colonial Policy in Tropical Africa, 1951–1964. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-820505-0.
Murphy, Philip (1999). Alan Lennox-Boyd: A Biography. London: I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-406-1.
Njagi, David (1991). The Last Mau Mau (Kenya's Freedom Heroes or Villains?): An Excerpt. Nairobi. Archived from the original on 24 July 2009.
Parsons, Timothy (1999). African Rank-and-File: Social Implications of Colonial Military Service in the King's African Rifles, 1902–1964. Hanover, NH: Heinemann. ISBN 978-0-325-00140-1.
Percox, David (2011) [2004]. Britain, Kenya and the Cold War: Imperial Defence, Colonial Security and Decolonisation. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84885-966-1.
Shilaro, Priscilla M (2002). "Colonial Land Policies: The Kenya Land Commission and the Kakamega Gold Rush, 1932–4". In William Robert Ochieng. Historical Studies and Social Change in Western Kenya: Essays in Memory of Professor Gideon S. Were. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers. pp. 110–128. ISBN 9966-25-152-9.
Throup, David (1987). Economic and Social Origins of Mau Mau, 1945–53. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 0-85255-024-3.
External links[edit]
Archive newsreels from Pathé News. Includes footage of: military operations against Mau Mau; the capture of Dedan Kimathi; capture of General China (Waruhiu Itote); the survivors of the Lari massacre and the defendants' trial; Operation Anvil.
Colonial Film's archive footage of Mau Mau
"Lost" Mau Mau-era government-documents posted by the BBC's Dominic Casciani
"Mau-Mau" Podcast about the Mau Mau Uprising and British repression from Radiolab (WNYC – New York Public Radio)
Surrender Pass issued under Baring's 18 January 1955 Amnesty
show
v
t
e
Kenya articles
History
Timeline
Arab slave trade
East Africa Protectorate
Uganda Railway
Kenya Colony
In World War II
Ilemi Triangle
Kenya African Union
Mau Mau Uprising
1963 Constitution
1982 coup d'état attempt
Goldenberg scandal
1992 Elections
2007–2008 crisis
2010 referendum
2013 Elections
Geography
Biosphere reserves
Climate
Ecoregions
Environmental issues
Great Rift Valley
Lakes
Mountains
Protected areas
Rivers
Volcanoes
Wildlife
World Heritage Sites
Subdivisions
Cities
Counties (*Coat of arms *Flags)
Politics
Constitution
Elections
Foreign relations
Government
Human rights
Intersex
LGBT
Judiciary
Law enforcement
Military
Parliament
Political parties
President
list
Deputy President
Prime Minister (defunct)
Economy
Agriculture
Central bank
Coffee
Energy
Real Estate
Shilling (currency)
Telecommunications
Tourism
Transport
Society
Corruption
Crime
Demographics
Education
Health
healthcare
Languages
Religion
Water supply and sanitation
Culture
Anthem
Cinema
Coat of arms
English
Engsh
Flag
Names
Literature
Media
Museums
Music
Public holidays
Sports
Sheng
Swahili
Video gaming
Outline
Index
Category
Portal
show
v
t
e
Colonial conflicts involving the English/British Empire
17th
century
Virginia (1609–46)
Swally (1612)
Ormuz (1622)
Saint Kitts (1626)
Quebec (1628)
Pequot War (1634–38)
Acadia (1654–67)
Anglo-Spanish War (1654–60)
Jamaica (1655–1739)
King Philip's War (1675–78)
King William's War (1688–97)
Ghana (1694–1700)
18th
century
Queen Anne's War (1702–13)
Tuscarora War (1711–15)
Yamasee War (1715–17)
Father Rale's War/Dummer's War (1722–25)
War of Jenkins' Ear (1740–42)
King George's War (1744–48)
Carnatic Wars (1746–63)
Nova Scotia (1749–55)
French and Indian War (1754–63)
Seven Years' War (1756–63)
Anglo–Cherokee War (1758–61)
Jamaica (1762)
Anglo-Spanish War (1762–63)
Pontiac's War (1763–66)
Lord Dunmore's War (1774)
American Revolutionary War (1775–83)
First Anglo–Maratha War (1775–82)
Second Anglo–Mysore War (1779–84)
Gold Coast (1781–82)
Sumatra (1782–84)
Australian Frontier Wars (1788–1934)
Nootka Sound (1789)
Third Anglo–Mysore War (1789–92)
Cotiote (Wayanad) War (1793–1806)
Cape Colony (1795)
Jamaica (1795–96)
Ceylon (1795)
Kandyan Wars (1796–1818)
Malta (1798–1800)
Fourth Anglo–Mysore War (1798–99)
Dwyer's Guerrilla Campaign (1799–1803)
19th
century
Newfoundland (1800)
Castle Hill convict rebellion
Second Anglo–Maratha War (1803–05)
Suriname (1804)
Guiana (1804)
Cape Colony (1806)
Río de la Plata (1806–07)
Egypt (1807)
Froberg mutiny (1807)
Reunion (1809)
Seychelles (1809)
Mauritius (1810)
Java (1810–11)
Xhosa Wars (1811–79)
Martinique (1809)
Guadeloupe (1810)
USA (1812–15)
Nepal (1814–16)
Guadeloupe (1815)
Cape Colony (1815)
Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817–18)
Guiana (1823)
Anglo-Ashanti wars (1824–1901)
First Anglo-Burmese War (1824–26)
Black War (Van Diemen's Land) 1828–32)
Jamaica (1831–32)
Malacca (1831–33)
Lower Canada (1837–38)
Upper Canada (1837–38)
Egyptian–Ottoman War (1839–41)
First Anglo-Afghan War (1839–42)
First Opium War (1839–42)
New Zealand Wars (1845–72)
First Anglo–Sikh War (1845–46)
Río de la Plata (1845–50)
Ceylon (1848)
Second Anglo–Sikh War (1848–49)
Second Anglo–Burmese War (1852)
Eureka Rebellion (1852)
Anglo–Persian War (1856–57)
Second Opium War (1856–60)
Indian Rebellion (1857–59)
Ambela Campaign (1863–64)
Bhutan War (1864–65)
Fenian Rebellion in Canada (1866–71)
Abyssinia (1868)
Manitoba (1870)
Perak (1875–76)
Anglo–Zulu War (1879)
Second Anglo-Afghan War (1879–80)
Basutoland (1880–81)
First Boer War (1880–81)
Mahdist War (1881–99)
Anglo-Egyptian War (1882)
Saskatchewan (1885)
Central Africa (1886–89)
Third Anglo-Burmese War (1885)
Mashonaland (1890)
Hunza-Nagar Campaign (1891)
Anglo-Manipur War (1891)
Matabeleland (1893–94)
North Borneo (1894–1905)
Chitral Expedition (1895)
Jameson Raid South Africa (1896)
Anglo–Zanzibar War (1896)
Matabeleland (1896–97)
Benin Expedition (1897)
Siege of Malakand (1897)
First Mohmand Campaign (1897–98)
Tirah Campaign (1897–98)
Six-Day War (1899)
Boxer Rebellion (1898–1901)
Second Boer War (1899–1902)
20th
century
Somaliland (1900–20)
West Africa (1901–02)
Tibet expedition (1903–04)
Bambatha Rebellion (1906)
Nyasaland (1915)
Nigeria (1915)
Nigeria (1918)
Third Anglo-Afghan War (1919)
Waziristan campaign (1919–1920)
Iraq (1920)
Malabar Rebellion (1921)
Kurdistan (1922–24)
Transjordan (1923)
Pink's War (1925)
Ikhwan Revolt (1927–30)
Barzani revolt (1931–32)
Second Mohmand Campaign (1935)
Palestine (1936–39)
Waziristan campaign (1936–1939)
Ethiopia (1943)
Indochina (1945–46)
Indonesia (1945)
Sarawak (1946–50)
Malayan Emergency (1948–60)
Mau Mau Uprising Kenya (1952–60)
Oman (1954–59)
Cyprus Emergency (1955–59)
Suez Crisis (1956)
Oman (1962–76)
Brunei (1962)
Sarawak (1962–90)
Malaysia (1962–66)
Aden (1963–67)
Falklands (1982)
Authority control
GND: 4169145-3
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Mau_Mau_Uprising&oldid=849903527"
Categories:
20th-century revolutions
Mau Mau Uprising
20th-century conflicts
African resistance to colonialism
Wars involving Kenya
Wars of independence
20th century in Kenya
Insurgencies in Africa
Resistance to the British Empire
Kikuyu
Proxy wars
Hidden categories:
Use British English from March 2013
Use dmy dates from March 2013
All articles with unsourced statements
Articles with unsourced statements from November 2013
Articles to be expanded from April 2018
All articles to be expanded
Articles using small message boxes
Articles with unsourced statements from March 2015
Articles with unsourced statements from April 2013
Articles with unsourced statements from October 2015
Articles with unsourced statements from May 2010
Articles with unsourced statements from April 2015
CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list
Wikipedia articles with GND identifiers
Navigation menu
Personal tools
Not logged in
Talk
Contributions
Create account
Log in
Namespaces
Article
Talk
Variants
Views
Read
Edit
View history
More
Search
Navigation
Main page
Contents
Featured content
Current events
Random article
Donate to Wikipedia
Wikipedia store
Interaction
Help
About Wikipedia
Community portal
Recent changes
Contact page
Tools
What links here
Related changes
Upload file
Special pages
Permanent link
Page information
Wikidata item
Cite this page
Print/export
Create a book
Download as PDF
Printable version
In other projects
Wikimedia Commons
Languages
Català
Čeština
Dansk
Deutsch
Español
Esperanto
Euskara
فارسی
Français
Gaeilge
Hrvatski
Bahasa Indonesia
Italiano
עברית
Kiswahili
Nederlands
日本語
Norsk
Norsk nynorsk
Polski
Português
Русский
Српски / srpski
Srpskohrvatski / српскохрватски
Suomi
Svenska
Türkçe
Vèneto
中文
20 more
Edit links
This page was last edited on 12 July 2018, at 05:56 (UTC).
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Privacy policy
About Wikipedia
Disclaimers
Contact Wikipedia
Developers
Cookie statement
Mobile view
Enable previews

values: mw-page-base noprint

values: mw-head-base noprint

values: firstHeading firstHeading en

values: siteSub noprint

attrs: class href

values: mw-jump-link #mw-head

values: mw-jump-link #p-search

values:
/wiki/Mau_Mau_(disambiguation)
mw-disambig
Mau Mau (disambiguation)

attrs: role class

values:
note
hatnote navigation-not-searchable

value: p

attrs: class colspan style

values:
/wiki/British_Kenya
mw-redirect
British Kenya

values: Evelyn Baring, 1st Baron Howick of Glendale

values:
/wiki/Europeans_in_Kenya
mw-redirect
Europeans in Kenya

values: Template talk:Campaignbox Mau Mau Uprising

values: The Pipeline (Mau Mau Uprising) (page does not exist)

values: nowraplinks collapsible collapsed navbox-inner mw-collapsible mw-collapsed mw-made-collapsible

attrs: alt src width height class data-file-width data-file-height

values: position: absolute; left: 0px; top: 0px; text-align: left; font-family:'Times New Roman',serif; font-weight:bold; font-size: large; color: gray;

values: position: absolute; right: 0px; bottom: 0px; text-align: left; font-family:'Times New Roman',serif; font-weight:bold; font-size: large; color: gray;

values: position: relative; text-align: right; text-align: left;

values: display: block; text-align: right; text-align: right;

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:42%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue; bold

values:
/wiki/Forced_labour
mw-redirect
Forced labour

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:39%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values:
/wiki/Masai_people
mw-redirect
Masai people

values: Edit section: Native labourer categories

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (November 2013)

values:
noprint Inline-Template Template-Fact
white-space:nowrap;

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:33%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: plainlinks metadata ambox mbox-small-left ambox-content

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (March 2015)

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (April 2013)

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:40%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: Edit section: British reaction to the uprising

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:30%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (October 2015)

values: Edit section: State of Emergency declared (October 1952)

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:41%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values:
/wiki/General_China
mw-redirect
General China

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:35%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: Edit section: Interrogations and confessions

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:29%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:38%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: float: right; clear: right; margin: 0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em; width:43%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: Edit section: Political and social concessions by the British

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (May 2010)

values:
/wiki/Laws_of_war
mw-redirect
Laws of war

values:
/wiki/Hussein_Onyango_Obama
mw-redirect
Hussein Onyango Obama

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (April 2015)

values: float: left; clear: left; margin: 0.5em 1.4em 0.8em 0; width:35%; padding: 10px; border: 1px solid #aaa; font-size: 85%; background-color: AliceBlue;

values: Foreign and Commonwealth Office migrated archives

values:
/wiki/Attorney_General
mw-redirect
Attorney General

values: Reginald Manningham-Buller, 1st Viscount Dilhorne

values: Alan Lennox-Boyd, 1st Viscount Boyd of Merton

values:
/wiki/British_military_history
mw-redirect
British military history

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/0040-781X

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12997138

values:
nofollow
external text
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v27/n11/letters

values:
nofollow
external text
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v27/n14/letters

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-18874040

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-17734735

values:
/wiki/The_Sunday_Herald_(Sydney)
mw-redirect
The Sunday Herald (Sydney)

values:
nofollow
external text
http://www.psywar.org/maumau.php

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/0963-8024

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-20543140

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/12998628

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12994190

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-14232049

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-13044974

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-13317076

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/722455

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/485216

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adm014

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/4496439

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/4501043

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/4007109

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/3742957

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1080/713674307

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/1771859

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/4100723

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/180220

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/40402312

values: Centre for Military and Strategic Studies

values: Category:CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/40206614

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/180275

values: -moz-column-width: 30em; -webkit-column-width: 30em; column-width: 30em;

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1353/at.2006.0069

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/4187771

values:
/wiki/Ian_Henderson_(Britain)
mw-redirect
Ian Henderson (Britain)

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.jstor.org/stable/182877

values:
nofollow
http://www.geocities.com/MauMauBook/
external text

values: refbegin refbegin-hanging-indents columns references-column-width

values:
nofollow
external text
https://www.scribd.com/dcasciani

values:
nofollow
http://www.radiolab.org/story/mau-mau/
external text

values:
/wiki/Kenya_Colony_in_World_War_II
mw-redirect
Kenya Colony in World War II

values:
/wiki/2007%E2%80%932008_Kenyan_crisis
mw-redirect
2007–2008 Kenyan crisis

values:
navbox-image
5
width:1px;padding:0px 0px 0px 2px

values:
/wiki/Climate_of_Kenya
mw-redirect
Climate of Kenya

values:
/wiki/Administrative_divisions_of_Kenya
mw-redirect
Administrative divisions of Kenya

values:
/wiki/Flags_of_the_Counties_of_Kenya
mw-redirect
Flags of the Counties of Kenya

values:
/wiki/National_Assembly_of_Kenya
mw-redirect
National Assembly of Kenya

values:
/wiki/Coffee_industry_of_Kenya
mw-redirect
Coffee industry of Kenya

values: nowraplinks hlist collapsible autocollapse navbox-inner mw-collapsible mw-made-collapsible mw-collapsed

values: Template talk:British colonial campaigns

values:
/wiki/United_Irish_Uprising
mw-redirect
United Irish Uprising

values: Invasion of Guyana (1804) (page does not exist)

values: Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata

values:
/wiki/Matale_Rebellion
mw-redirect
Matale Rebellion

values:
/wiki/Mat_Salleh_Rebellion
mw-redirect
Mat Salleh Rebellion

values:
/wiki/Ikhwan_Revolt
mw-redirect
Ikhwan Revolt

values:
/wiki/Brunei_Revolt
mw-redirect
Brunei Revolt

values: nowraplinks hlist collapsible collapsed navbox-inner mw-collapsible mw-collapsed mw-made-collapsible

values:
nofollow
external text
https://d-nb.info/gnd/4169145-3

values: Category:African resistance to colonialism

values: Category:Resistance to the British Empire

values: Category:Use British English from March 2013

values: Category:All articles with unsourced statements

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from November 2013

values: Category:Articles to be expanded from April 2018

values: Category:Articles using small message boxes

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from March 2015

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from April 2013

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from October 2015

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from May 2010

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from April 2015

values: Category:Wikipedia articles with GND identifiers

values: Discussion about edits from this IP address [ctrl-alt-n]

values: A list of edits made from this IP address [ctrl-alt-y]

values: You are encouraged to create an account and log in; however, it is not mandatory

values: You're encouraged to log in; however, it's not mandatory. [ctrl-alt-o]

values:
/wiki/Mau_Mau_Uprising
View the content page [ctrl-alt-c]
c

values: Discussion about the content page [ctrl-alt-t]

values: p-namespaces navigation vectorTabs p-namespaces-label

values:
p-variants
navigation
vectorMenu emptyPortlet
p-variants-label

values: Past revisions of this page [ctrl-alt-h]

values: Find background information on current events

values:
/wiki/Special:Random
Load a random article [ctrl-alt-x]
x

values: portal navigation p-navigation p-navigation-label

values: Guidance on how to use and edit Wikipedia

values: About the project, what you can do, where to find things

values: A list of recent changes in the wiki [ctrl-alt-r]

values: portal navigation p-interaction p-interaction-label

values: List of all English Wikipedia pages containing links to this page [ctrl-alt-j]

values: Recent changes in pages linked from this page [ctrl-alt-k]

values:
/wiki/Wikipedia:File_Upload_Wizard
Upload files [ctrl-alt-u]
u

values: A list of all special pages [ctrl-alt-q]

values: Permanent link to this revision of the page

values: Link to connected data repository item [ctrl-alt-g]

values: Printable version of this page [ctrl-alt-p]

values: portal navigation p-wikibase-otherprojects p-wikibase-otherprojects-label

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ca
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-cs
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-da
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-eo
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-eu
display: none;

values: شورش مائو مائو – Persian

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fa
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-ga
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hr
display: none;

values:
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mau-Mau
Mau-Mau – Italian
it
it
interlanguage-link-target

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-it
display: none;

values: מאו מאו – Hebrew

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-he
display: none;

values:
https://sw.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maumau
Maumau – Swahili
sw
sw
interlanguage-link-target

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sw
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nl
display: none;

values: マウマウ団の乱 – Japanese

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-no
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nn
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-pl
display: none;

values: Восстание Мау-Мау – Russian

values: Мау Мау устанак – Serbian

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sr
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sh
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fi
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-sv
display: none;

values:
https://vec.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mau_Mau
Mau Mau – Venetian
vec
vec
interlanguage-link-target

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-vec
display: none;

values: All languages (initial selection from common choices by you and others)

values: mediawiki ltr sitedir-ltr mw-hide-empty-elt ns-0 ns-subject page-Mau_Mau_Uprising rootpage-Mau_Mau_Uprising skin-vector action-view