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Labour movement
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Labour movement[hide]
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Child labour
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Occupational safety and health
Trade unions[show]
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The labour movement or labor movement[1] consists of two main wings, the trade union movement (British English) or labor union movement (American English), also called trade unionism or labor unionism on the one hand, and the political labour movement on the other.
The trade union movement consists of the collective organisation of working people developed to represent and campaign for better working conditions and treatment from their employers and, by the implementation of labour and employment laws, from their governments. The standard unit of organisation is the trade union.
The political labour movement in many countries includes a political party that represents the interests of employees, often known as a "labour party" or "workers' party". Many individuals and political groups otherwise considered to represent ruling classes may be part of and active in the labour movement.
The labour movement developed in response to the depredations of industrial capitalism at about the same time as socialism. However, while the goal of the labour movement is to protect and strengthen the interests of labour within capitalism, the goal of socialism is to replace the capitalist system entirely.[2]
Contents
1 History
2 Labour parties
3 Labour festivals
4 Labour and racial equality
5 Development of labour movements within nation states
6 Development of an international labour movement
7 List of national labour movements
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
History[edit]
This section needs expansion with: Apprentice laws, agricultural labour laws, illegal combination, Peterloo, Chartism, friendly societies and cooperatives, New Unionism, political party formation, socialism, anarchism, communism, craft unionism. You can help by adding to it. (April 2011)
Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.
— U.S. President Abraham Lincoln, December 3, 1861[3]
In Europe, the labour movement began during the industrial revolution, when agricultural jobs declined and employment moved to more industrial areas. The idea met with great resistance. In the early 19th century, groups such as the Tolpuddle Martyrs of Dorset were punished and transported for forming unions, which was against the laws of the time.
Trade unionism was active during the early to mid 19th century and various labour parties and trade unions were formed throughout the industrialised parts of the world. The International Workingmen's Association, the first attempt at international coordination, was founded in London in 1864. The major issues included the right of the workers to organize themselves, and the right to an 8-hour working day. In 1871 workers in France rebelled and the Paris Commune was formed. From the mid-nineteenth century onward the labour movement became increasingly globalised.
“ Labour has been central to the modern globalization process. From issues of the embodied movement of workers to the emergence of a global division of labour, and organized responses to capitalist relations of production, the relevance of labour to globalization is not new, and it is far more significant in shaping the world than is usually recognized.[4] ”
The movement gained major impetus during the late 19th and early 20th centuries from the Catholic Social Teaching tradition which began in 1891 with the publication of Pope Leo XIII's foundational document, Rerum novarum, also known as "On the Condition of the Working Classes," in which he advocated a series of reforms including limits on the length of the work day, a living wage, the elimination of child labour, the rights of labour to organise, and the duty of the state to regulate labour conditions.
Throughout the world, action by labourists has resulted in reforms and workers' rights, such as the two-day weekend, minimum wage, paid holidays, and the achievement of the eight-hour day for many workers. There have been many important labour activists in modern history who have caused changes that were revolutionary at the time and are now regarded as basic. For example, Mary Harris Jones, better known as "Mother Jones", and the National Catholic Welfare Council were important in the campaign to end child labour in the United States during the early 20th century.
Labour parties[edit]
See also: List of Labour Parties
Modern labour parties originated from an increase in organising activities in Europe and European colonies during the 19th century, such as the Chartist movement in the United Kingdom during 1838–50.
In 1891, localised labour parties were formed, by trade union members in the British colonies of Australia. They later amalgamated to form the Australian Labor Party (ALP). In 1893, Members of Parliament in the Colony of Queensland briefly formed the world's first labour government.
The British Labour Party was created as the Labour Representation Committee, as a result of an 1899 resolution by the Trade Union Congress.
While archetypal labour parties are made of direct union representatives, in addition to members of geographical branches, some union federations or individual unions have chosen not to be represented within a labour party and/or have ended association with them.
Labour festivals[edit]
Main article: Labour festival
Labour festivals have long been a part of the labour movement. Often held outdoors in the summer, the music, talks, food, drink, and film have attracted hundreds of thousands of attendees each year.
Labour and racial equality[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (July 2011)
A degree of strategic bi-racial cooperation existed among black and white dockworkers on the waterfronts of New Orleans, Louisiana during the early 20th century. Although the groups maintained racially separate labour unions, they coordinated efforts to present a united front when making demands of their employers. These pledges included a commitment to the "50-50" or "half-and-half" system wherein a dock crew would consist of 50% black and 50% white workers and agreement on a single wage demand to reduce the risk of ship owners pitting one race against the other. Black and white dockworkers also cooperated during protracted labour strikes, including general levee strikes in 1892 and 1907 as well as smaller strikes involving skilled workers such as screwmen in the early 1900s.
Negroes in the United States read the history of labour and find it mirrors their own experience. We are confronted by powerful forces telling us to rely on the good will and understanding of those who profit by exploiting us [...] They are shocked that action organizations, sit-ins, civil disobedience and protests are becoming our everyday tools, just as strikes, demonstrations and union organization became yours to insure that bargaining power genuinely existed on both sides of the table [...] Our needs are identical to labor's needs: decent wages, fair working conditions, livable housing, old age security, health and welfare measures [...] That is why the labor-hater and labor-baiter is virtually always a twin-headed creature spewing anti-Negro epithets from one mouth and anti-labor propaganda from the other mouth.
—  Martin Luther King, Jr, "If the Negro Wins, Labor Wins", December 11, 1961[5]
Development of labour movements within nation states[edit]
Historically labour markets have often been constrained by national borders that have restricted movement of workers. Labour laws are also primarily determined by individual nations or states within those nations. While there have been some efforts to adopt a set of international labour standards through the International Labour Organisation (ILO), international sanctions for failing to meet such standards are very limited. In many countries labour movements have developed independently and represent those national boundaries.
Development of an international labour movement[edit]
With ever-increasing levels of international trade and increasing influence of multinational corporations, there has been debate and action among labourists to attempt international co-operation. This has resulted in renewed efforts to organize and collectively bargain internationally. A number of international union organisations have been established in an attempt to facilitate international collective bargaining, to share information and resources and to advance the interests of workers generally.
List of national labour movements[edit]
Trade unions in Albania
Trade unions in Algeria
Trade unions in Andorra
Trade unions in Angola
Trade unions in Antigua and Barbuda
Trade unions in Argentina
Trade unions in Armenia
Australian labour movement
Trade unions in Benin
Trade unions in Botswana
Trade unions in Burkina Faso
Trade unions in Egypt
Trade unions in Ethiopia
Trade unions in Germany
Trade unions in Ghana
Trade unions in India
Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions
Trade unions in Ireland
Labour unions in Japan
Trade unions in Malaysia
Trade unions in Maldives
Trade unions in Nauru
Trade unions in Niger
Trade unions in Oman
Trade unions in Pakistan
Trade unions in Qatar
Trade unions in Senegal
Trade unions in South Africa
Trade unions in Spain
Swedish labour movement
Trade unions in Switzerland
Labour movement in Taiwan
Trade unions in Tanzania
Trade unions in the United Kingdom
Labour unions in the United States
See also[edit]
Organized labour portal
Activism industry
AFL–CIO
Anarchism
Anarcho-syndicalism
Canadian Labour Congress
Catholic social teaching
Catholic trade unions
Change to Win Federation
Christian socialism
Class conflict
Communism
Council communism
Democratic socialism
Eight-hour day
Far-left politics
Filippo Turati
Freelancers Union
Industrial Workers of the World
International labour law
Labour law
Labour history including art and culture
Left-wing politics
List of international labour organizations
Living wage
Marxism
New Unionism
Social criticism
Social democracy
Socialism
Workerism
Trade union
References[edit]
Jump up ^ See American and British English spelling differences.
Jump up ^ Eatwell & Wright, Roger & Anthony (March 1, 1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies: Second Edition. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 83. ISBN 978-0826451736. If ‘labourism’ sought to protect and defend the interests of labour in relation to this system, ‘socialism’ sought to change the system itself...
Jump up ^ Selections from the Letters, Speeches, and State Papers of Abraham BOBBY, by Abraham Lincoln, edited by Ida Minerva Tarbell, Ginn, 1911 / 2008, pg 77
Jump up ^ James, Paul; O’Brien, Robert (2007). Globalization and Economy, Vol. 4: Globalizing Labour. London: Sage Publications. pp. ix–x.
Jump up ^ A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr, edited by James Melvin Washington, HarperCollins, 1991, ISBN 0-06-064691-8, pg 202-203
Further reading[edit]
Robert N. Stern, Daniel B. Cornfield, The U.S. labor movement:References and Resources, G.K. Hall & Co 1996
John Hinshaw and Paul LeBlanc (ed.), U.S. labor in the twentieth century : studies in working-class struggles and insurgency, Amherst, NY : Humanity Books, 2000
James, Paul; O’Brien, Robert (2007). Globalization and Economy, Vol. 4: Globalizing Labour. London: Sage Publications.
Philip Yale Nicholson, Labor's story in the United States, Philadelphia, Pa. : Temple Univ. Press 2004 (Series ‘Labor in Crisis’), ISBN 978-1-59213-239-3
Beverly Silver: Forces of Labor. Worker's Movements and Globalization since 1870, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-521-52077-0
St. James Press Encyclopedia of Labor History Worldwide, St. James Press 2003 ISBN 1-55862-542-9
Lenny Flank (ed), IWW: A Documentary History, Red and Black Publishers, St Petersburg, Florida, 2007. ISBN 978-0-9791813-5-1
Tom Zaniello: Working Stiffs, Union Maids, Reds, and Riffraff: An Expanded Guide to Films about Labor (ILR Press books), Cornell University Press, revised and expanded edition 2003, ISBN 0-8014-4009-2
Neither Washington Nor Stowe: Common Sense For The Working Vermonter, The Green Mountain Anarchist Collective, Catamount Tavern Press, 2004.
Ness, Immanuel (2014). New Forms of Worker Organization: The Syndicalist and Autonomist Restoration of Class-Struggle Unionism. PM Press. ISBN 1604869569.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Labour movement.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Labour movement
The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Canadian Labour History, 1850-1999
LabourStart: Trade union web portal
LaborNet: Global online communication for a democratic, independent labour movement
CEC: A Labour Resource Centre in India
"Justice Thunders Condemnation" – a video history of labour legislation on YouTube
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Bal Gangadhar Tilak
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This is the latest accepted revision, reviewed on 28 August 2018.
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For the poet, see Devarakonda Balagangadhara Tilak.
"Lokmanya Tilak" redirects here. For other uses, see Lokmanya Tilak (disambiguation).
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Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Born
(1856-07-23)23 July 1856
Ratnagiri, Bombay State, British India (present-day Maharashtra, India)[1]
Died
1 August 1920(1920-08-01) (aged 64)
Bombay, British India (present-day Maharashtra, India)
Occupation
Author, politician, freedom fighter, social reformer
Political party
Indian National Congress
Movement
Indian Independence movement
Bal Gangadhar Tilak (or Lokmanya Tilak, pronunciation (help·info); 23 July 1856 – 1 August 1920), born as Keshav Gangadhar Tilak, was an Indian nationalist, teacher, social reformer, lawyer and an independence activist. He was the first leader of the Indian Independence Movement. The British colonial authorities called him "The father of the Indian unrest." He was also conferred with the title of "Lokmanya", which means "accepted by the people (as their leader)".[2]
Tilak was one of the first and strongest advocates of Swaraj ("self-rule") and a strong radical in Indian consciousness. He is known for his quote in Marathi: "Swarajya is my birthright and I shall have it!". He formed a close alliance with many Indian National Congress leaders including Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai, Aurobindo Ghose, V. O. Chidambaram Pillai and Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
Contents
1 Early life
2 Political career
2.1 Indian National Congress
2.2 Sedition Charges
2.3 Imprisonment in Mandalay
2.4 Life after Mandalay
2.5 All India Home Rule League
2.6 Religio-Political Views
2.7 Social views
2.7.1 Women's issues
2.7.2 Untouchability
2.8 Esteem for Swami Vivekananda
2.9 Conflicts with Shahu over caste issues
3 Social contributions and legacy
4 Books
5 Descendants
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Early life[edit]
Tilak was born in a Marathi Chitpavan Brahmin family in Ratnagiri as Keshav Gangadhar Tilak, in the headquarters of the eponymous district of present-day Maharashtra (then British India) on 23 July 1856.[1] His ancestral village was Chikhali. His father, Gangadhar Tilak was a school teacher and a Sanskrit scholar who died when Tilak was sixteen. In 1871 Tilak was married to Tapibai (Née Bal) when he was sixteen, a few months before his father's death. After marriage, her name was changed to Satyabhamabai. He obtained his Bachelor of Arts in first class in Mathematics from Deccan College of Pune in 1877. He left his M.A. course of study midway to join the LL.B course instead, and in 1879 he obtained his LL.B degree from Government Law College .[3] After graduating, Tilak started teaching mathematics at a private school in Pune. Later, due to ideological differences with the colleagues in the new school, he withdrew and became a journalist. Tilak actively participated in public affairs. He stated: "Religion and practical life are not different.The real spirit is to make the country your family instead of working only for your own. The step beyond is to serve humanity and the next step is to serve God."[4]
Inspired by ,Vishnushastri Chiplunkar,he co-founded the New English school for secondary education in 1880 with a few of his college friends, including Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Mahadev Ballal Namjoshi. and Vishnushastri Chiplunkar. Their goal was to improve the quality of education for India's youth.The success of the school led them to set up the Deccan Education Society in 1884 to create a new system of education that taught young Indians nationalist ideas through an emphasis on Indian culture.[5] The Society established the Fergusson College in 1885 for post-secondary studies. Tilak taught mathematics at Fergusson College. In 1890, Tilak left the Deccan Education Society for more openly political work.[6] He began a mass movement towards independence by an emphasis on a religious and cultural revival.[7]
Political career[edit]
Tilak had a long political career agitating for Indian autonomy from the British rule.{ Before Gandhi, he was the most widely known Indian political leader. Unlike his fellow Maharashtrian contemporary, Gokhale, Tilak was considered a radical Nationalist but a Social conservative. He was imprisoned on a number of occasions that included a long stint at Mandalay. At one stage in his political life he was called "the father of Indian unrest" by british author Sir Valentine Chirol.[8]
Indian National Congress[edit]
Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890.[citation needed] He opposed its moderate attitude, especially towards the fight for self-government. He was one of the most-eminent radicals at the time.[9] In fact, it was the Swadeshi movement of 1905-1907 that resulted in the split within the Indian National Congress into the Moderates and the Extremists[6]
Despite being personally opposed to early marriage, Tilak was against the 1891 Age of Consent bill, seeing it as interference with Hinduism and a dangerous precedent.[citation needed] The act raised the age at which a girl could marry from 10 to 12 years.[citation needed]
During late 1896, a bubonic plague spread from Bombay to Pune, and by January 1897, it reached epidemic proportions. British troops were brought in to deal with the emergency and harsh measures were employed including forced entry into private houses, examination of occupants, evacuation to hospitals and segregation camps, removing and destroying personal possessions, and preventing patients from entering or leaving the city. By the end of May, the epidemic was under control. They were widely regarded as acts of tyranny and oppression. Tilak took up this issue by publishing inflammatory articles in his paper Kesari (Kesari was written in Marathi, and "Maratha" was written in English), quoting the Hindu scripture, the Bhagavad Gita, to say that no blame could be attached to anyone who killed an oppressor without any thought of reward. Following this, on 22 June 1897, Commissioner Rand and another British officer, Lt. Ayerst were shot and killed by the Chapekar brothers and their other associates. According to Barbara and Thomas R. Metcalf, Tilak "almost surely concealed the identities of the perpetrators".[10]:154 Tilak was charged with incitement to murder and sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. When he emerged from prison in present-day Mumbai, he was revered as a martyr and a national hero.[citation needed] He adopted a new slogan coined by his associate Kaka Baptista: "Swaraj (self-rule) is my birthright and I shall have it."[11]
Following the Partition of Bengal, which was a strategy set out by Lord Curzon to weaken the nationalist movement, Tilak encouraged the Swadeshi movement and the Boycott movement.[12] The movement consisted of the boycott of foreign goods and also the social boycott of any Indian who used foreign goods. The Swadeshi movement consisted of the usage of natively produced goods. Once foreign goods were boycotted, there was a gap which had to be filled by the production of those goods in India itself. Tilak said that the Swadeshi and Boycott movements are two sides of the same coin.[citation needed]
Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal together popularly known as Lal-Bal-Pal triumvirate
Tilak opposed the moderate views of Gopal Krishna Gokhale, and was supported by fellow Indian nationalists Bipin Chandra Pal in Bengal and Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab. They were referred to as the "Lal-Bal-Pal triumvirate". In 1907, the annual session of the Congress Party was held at Surat, Gujarat. Trouble broke out over the selection of the new president of the Congress between the moderate and the radical sections of the party . The party split into the radicals faction, led by Tilak, Pal and Lajpat Rai, and the moderate faction. Nationalists like Aurobindo Ghose, V. O. Chidambaram Pillai were Tilak supporters.[9][13]
Sedition Charges[edit]
During his lifetime among other political cases, Bal Gangadhar Tilak had been tried for Sedition Charges in three times by British India Government—in 1897,[14] 1909,[15] and 1916.[16] In 1897, Tilak was sentenced to 18 months in prison for preaching disaffection against the Raj. In 1909, he was again charged with sedition and intensifying racial animosity between Indians and the British. The Bombay lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah in Tilak's defence could not annul the evidence in Tilak's polemical articles and Tilak was sentenced to six years in prison in Burma.[6]
Imprisonment in Mandalay[edit]
See also: Alipore bomb case
On 30 April 1908, two Bengali youths, Prafulla Chaki and Khudiram Bose, threw a bomb on a carriage at Muzzafarpur, to kill the Chief Presidency Magistrate Douglas Kingsford of Calcutta fame, but erroneously killed two women traveling in it. While Chaki committed suicide when caught, Bose was hanged. Tilak, in his paper Kesari, defended the revolutionaries and called for immediate Swaraj or self-rule. The Government swiftly charged him with sedition. At the conclusion of the trial, a special jury convicted him by 7:2 majority. The judge, Dinshaw D. Davar[17] gave him a six years jail sentence to be served in Mandalay, Burma and a fine of Rs 1,000. On being asked by the judge whether he had anything to say, Tilak said:
All that I wish to say is that, in spite of the verdict of the jury, I still maintain that I am innocent. There are higher powers that rule the destinies of men and nations; and I think, it may be the will of Providence that the cause I represent may be benefited more by my suffering than by my pen and tongue.
In passing sentence, the judge indulged in some scathing strictures against Tilak's conduct. He threw off the judicial restraint which, to some extent, was observable in his charge to the jury. He condemned the articles as "seething with sedition", as preaching violence, speaking of murders with approval. "You hail the advent of the bomb in India as if something had come to India for its good. I say, such journalism is a curse to the country". Tilak was sent to Mandalay from 1908 to 1914.[18] While imprisoned, he continued to read and write, further developing his ideas on the Indian nationalist movement. While in the prison he wrote the Gita Rahasya. Many copies of which were sold, and the money was donated for the Indian Independence movement.[citation needed].
Life after Mandalay[edit]
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Tilak developed diabetes during his sentence in Mandalay prison. This and the general ordeal of prison life had mellowed him at his release on 16 June 1914. When World War I started in August of that year, Tilak cabled the King-Emperor George V of his support and turned his oratory to find new recruits for war efforts. He welcomed The Indian Councils Act, popularly known as Minto-Morley Reforms, which had been passed by British Parliament in May 1909, terming it as "a marked increase of confidence between the Rulers and the Ruled". It was his conviction that acts of violence actually diminished, rather than hastening, the pace of political reforms. He was eager for reconciliation with Congress and had abandoned his demand for direct action and settled for agitations "strictly by constitutional means" – a line advocated by his rival Gokhale.
Tilak tried to convince Mohandas Gandhi to leave the idea of Total non-violence ("Total Ahimsa") and try to get self-rule ("Swarajya") by all means.[citation needed]
All India Home Rule League[edit]
Main article: All India Home Rule League
Later, Tilak re-united with his fellow nationalists and re-joined the Indian National Congress in 1916. He also helped find the All India Home Rule League in 1916–18, with G. S. Khaparde and Annie Besant. After years of trying to reunite the moderate and radical factions, he gave up and focused on the Home Rule League, which sought self-rule. Tilak travelled from village to village for support from farmers and locals to join the movement towards self-rule.[18] Tilak was impressed by the Russian Revolution, and expressed his admiration for Vladimir Lenin.[19] The league had 1400 members in April 1916, and by 1917 membership had grown to approximately 32,000. Tilak started his Home Rule League in Maharashtra, Central Provinces, and Karnataka and Berar region. Besant's League was active in the rest part of India.[20]
Tilak, progressed into a prominent nationalist after his close association with Indian nationalists following the partition of Bengal. When asked in Calcutta whether he envisioned a Maratha-type of government for independent India, Tilak replied that the Maratha-dominated governments of 17th and 18th centuries were outmoded in the 20th century, and he wanted a genuine federal system for Free India where every religion and race was an equal partner.[citation needed] He added that only such a form of government would be able to safeguard India's freedom. He was the first Congress leader to suggest that Hindi written in the Devanagari script be accepted as the sole national language of India.[21]
Religio-Political Views[edit]
Tilak sought to unite the Indian population for mass political action throughout his life. For this to happen, he believed there needed to be a comprehensive justification for anti-British pro-Hindu activism. For this end, he sought justification in the supposed original principles of the Ramayana and the Bhagavad Gita. He named this call to activism karma-yoga or the yoga of action.[22] In his interpretation, the Bhagavad Gita reveals this principle in the conversation between Krishna and Arjuna when Krishna exhorts Arjuna to fight his enemies (which in this case included many members of his family) because it is his duty. In Tilaks opinion, the Bhagavad Gita provided a strong justification of activism. However, this conflicted with the mainstream exegesis of the text at the time which was predominated by renunciate views and the idea of acts purely for God. This was represented by the two mainstream views at the time by Ramanuja and Adi Shankara. To find support for this philosophy, Tilak wrote his own interpretations of the relevant passages of the Gita and backed his views using Jnanadeva's commentary on the Gita, Ramanuja's critical commentary and his own translation of the Gita.[23] His main battle was against the renunciate views of the time which conflicted with worldly activism. To fight this, he went to extents to reinterpret words such as karma, dharma, yoga as well as the concept of renunciation itself. Because he found his rationalization on Hindu religious symbols and lines, this alienated many non-Hindus such as the Muslims who began to ally with the British for support.
Social views[edit]
Tilak was strongly opposed to liberal trends emerging in Pune such as women's rights and social reforms against untouchability.[24][25][26]
Women's issues[edit]
Tilak vehemently opposed the establishment of the first Native girls High school (now called Huzurpaga) in Pune in 1885 and its curriculum using his newspapers, the Mahratta and Kesari.[25][27][28] Tilak was also opposed to intercaste marriage, particularly the match where an upper caste woman married a lower caste man.[28] In the case of Deshasthas, Chitpawans and Karhades, he encouraged these three Maharashtrian Brahmin groups to give up "caste exclusiveness" and intermarry.[29] Tilak officially opposed the age of consent bill which raised the age of marriage from ten to twelve for girls, however he was willing to sign a circular that increased age of marriage for girls to sixteen and twenty for boys. In his opinion, self-rule took precedence over any social reform.[30]
Child bride Rukhmabai was married at the age of eleven but refused to go and live with her husband. The husband sued for restitution of conjugal rights, initially lost but appealed the decision. On 4 March 1887, Justice Farran, using interpretations of Hindu laws, ordered Rukhmabai to "go live with her husband or face six months of imprisonment". Tilak approved of this decision of the court and said that the court was following Hindu Dharmaśāstras. Rukhmabai responded that she would rather face imprisonment than obey the verdict. Her marriage was later dissolved by Queen Victoria. Later, she went on to receive her Doctor of Medicine degree from the London School of Medicine for Women.[31][32][33][34]
In 1890, when an eleven year old Phulamani Bai died while having sexual intercourse with her much older husband, the Parsi social reformer Behramji Malabari supported the Age of Consent Act, 1891 to raise the age of a girl's eligibility for marriage. Tilak opposed the Bill and said that the Parsis as well as the English had no jurisdiction over the (Hindu) religious matters. He blamed the girl for having "defective female organs" and questioned how the husband could be "persecuted diabolically for doing a harmless act". He called the girl one of those "dangerous freaks of nature".[26]
Tilak did not have a progressive view when it came to gender relations. He did not believe that Hindu women should get a modern education. Rather, he had a more conservative view, believing that women were meant to be homemakers who had to subordinate themselves to the needs of their husbands and children.[6]
Untouchability[edit]
Tilak refused to sign a petition for the abolition of untouchability in 1918, two years before his death, although he had spoken against it earlier in a meeting.[24]
Esteem for Swami Vivekananda[edit]
Tilak and Swami Vivekananda had great mutual respect and esteem for each other. They met accidentally while travelling by train in 1892 and Tilak had Vivekananda as a guest in his house. A person who was present there(Basukaka), heard that it was agreed between Vivekananda and Tilak that Tilak would work towards nationalism in the "political" arena , while Vivekananda would work for nationalism in the "religious" arena. When Vivekanada passed away at a young age , Tilak expressed great sorrow and paid tributes to him in the Kesari.[35][36][37][38] Tilak said about Vivekananda:
"No Hindu, who, has the interests of Hinduism at his heart, could help feeling grieved over Vivekananda's samadhi. Vivekananda, in short, had taken the work of keeping the banner of Advaita philosophy forever flying among all the nations of the world and made them realize the true greatness of Hindu religion and of the Hindu people. He had hoped that he would crown his achievement with a fulfillment of this task by virtue of his learning, eloquence, enthusiasm and sincerity, just as he had laid a secure foundation for it; but with Swami's samadhi these hopes have gone.Thousands of years ago, another saint, Shankaracharya, who, showed to the world the glory and greatness of Hinduism. At the fag of the 19th century, the second Shankaracharya is Vivekananda, who, showed to the world the glory of Hinduism. His work has yet to be completed. We have lost our glory, our independence, everything."[39]
Conflicts with Shahu over caste issues[edit]
Shahu had several conflicts with Tilak as the latter agreed with the Brahmin decision of puranic rituals for the Marathas that were intended for Shudras. Tilak even suggested that the Marathas should be "content" with the Shudra status assigned to them by the Brahmins. Tilak's newspapers as well as the press in Kolhapur criticized Shahu for his caste prejudice and his unreasoned hostility towards Brahmins. These included serious allegations such as sexual assaults by Shahu against four Brahmin women. An englishwoman named lady Minto was petitioned to help them. The agent of Shahu had blamed these allegations on the "troublesome brahmins". Tilak and another Brahmin suffered from the confiscation of estates by Shahu, the first during a quarrel between Shahu and the Shankaracharya of Sankareshwar and later in another issue.[40][41]
Social contributions and legacy[edit]
Further information: Sarvajanik Ganeshotsav and Kesari (newspaper)
Tilak started two weeklies, Kesari ("The Lion") in Marathi and Mahratta in English (sometimes referred as 'Maratha' in Academic Study Books)[42] in 1880–81 with Gopal Ganesh Agarkar as the first editor. By this he was recognized as 'awakener of India'. As Kesari later became a daily and continues publication to this day.
In 1894, Tilak transformed the household worshipping of Ganesha into a grand public event (Sarvajanik Ganeshotsav). The celebrations consisted of several days of processions, music and food. They were organized by the means of subscriptions by neighbourhood, caste, or occupation. Students often would celebrate Hindu and national glory and address political issues; including patronage of Swadeshi goods.[10]:152
In 1895, Tilak founded the Shri Shivaji Fund Committee for celebration of "Shiv Jayanti", the birth anniversary of Chhatrapati Shivaji, the founder of the Maratha Empire. The project also had the objective of funding the reconstruction of the tomb (Samadhi) of Shivaji at Raigad Fort. For this second objective, Tilak established the Shri Shivaji Raigad Smarak Mandal along with Senapati Khanderao Dabhade II of Talegaon Dabhade, who became the founder President of the Mandal.
The events like the Ganapati festival and Shiv Jayanti were used by Tilak to build a national spirit beyond the circle of educated elite in opposition to colonial rule. But it also exacerbated Hindu-Muslim differences. The festival organizers would urge Hindus to protect cows and boycott the Muharram celebrations organized by Shi'a Muslims, in which Hindus had formerly often participated. Thus, although the celebrations were meant to be a way to oppose colonial rule, they also contributed to religious tensions.[10]:152 Contemporary Marathi Hindu nationalist parties like the Shivsena took up his reverence for Shivaji.[citation needed] However, Indian Historian, Uma Chakravarti cites Professor Gordon Johnson and states "It is significant that even at the time when Tilak was making political use of Shivaji the question of conceding Kshatriya status to him as maratha was resisted by the conservative Brahmins including Tilak. While Shivaji was a Brave man, all his bravery, it was argued, did not give him the right to a status that very nearly approached that of a Brahmin. Further, the fact that Shivaji worshiped the Brahmmanas in no way altered social relations, 'since it was as a Shudra he did it - as a Shudra the servant, if not the slave, of the Brahmin'".[43]
The Deccan Education Society that Tilak founded with others in the 1880s still runs Institutions in Pune like the Fergusson College.
The Swadeshi movement started by Tilak at the beginning of the 20th century became part of the Independence movement until that goal was achieved in 1947. One can even say Swadeshi remained part of Indian Government policy until the 1990s when the Congress Government liberalised the economy.[44]
Tilak Smarak Ranga Mandir, a theatre auditorium in Pune is dedicated to him. In 2007, the Government of India released a coin to commemorate the 150th birth anniversary of Tilak.[45][46]
Tilak said, "I regard India as my Motherland and my Goddess, the people in India are my kith and kin, and loyal and steadfast work for their political and social emancipation is my highest religion and duty".[47]
Lokmanya: Ek Yug Purush is a film released on January 2, 2015 based on his life. Directed by Om Raut, Tilak is played by actor Subodh Bhave.
Books[edit]
In 1903, he wrote the book The Arctic Home in the Vedas. In it, he argued that the Vedas could only have been composed in the Arctics, and the Aryan bards brought them south after the onset of the last ice age. He proposed a new way to determine the exact time of the Vedas.
In "The Orion"[48] He tried to calculate the time of Vedas by using the position of different Nakshatras. Positions of Nakshtras were described in different Vedas.
Tilak authored "Shrimadh Bhagvad Gita Rahasya" in prison at Mandalay – the analysis of 'Karma Yoga' in the Bhagavad Gita, which is known to be gift of the Vedas and the Upanishads.
Descendants[edit]
Tilak's son, Shridhar was a campaigner for social reforms in India.[49] Shridhar's son, Jayantrao Tilak (1921 - 2001) was editor of the Kesari newspaper for many years. Jayantrao was also a politician from the Congress party. He was a member of the Parliament of India representing Maharashtra in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. He was also a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Council.[50]
Mukta Tilak, the wife of Tilak's great-grandson Shailesh Tilak was elected Pune's mayor in 2017. Mukta Tilak is a Bhartiya Janata Party member.
Rohit Tilak, a descendant of Bal Gangadhar Tilak is a Pune based Congress party politician.[51] In 2017, a woman with whom he had an extra-marital affair accused him of rape and other crimes. He is currently out on bail in connection with these charges.[52][53]
References[edit]
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Maharashtra Gazetteer
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Lokmanya Tilak – A Biography
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Jump up ^ Karve, D. D. "The Deccan Education Society". The Journal of Asian Studies. 20 (2): 206–207. doi:10.2307/2050484.
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Jump up ^ Michael Edwardes, A History of India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1961), 322.
Jump up ^ N. R. Inamdar (1983). Political Thought and Leadership of Lokmanya Tilak. Concept Publishing Company. p. 20. GGKEY:K00Z79DFC6R.
^ Jump up to: a b Donald Mackenzie Brown"The Congress." The Nationalist Movement: Indian Political Thought from Ranade to Bhave (1961): 34
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Jump up ^ Harvey, Mark (1986). "The Secular as Sacred?-The Religio-Political Rationalization of B.G. Tilak". Modern Asian Studies. 20: 322–324. doi:10.1017/s0026749x00000858. JSTOR 312578.
^ Jump up to: a b Christophe Jaffrelot (2005). Dr. Ambedkar and Untouchability: Fighting the Indian Caste System. Columbia University Press. p. 177.
^ Jump up to: a b Rao, P.V. (2008). "Women's Education and the Nationalist Response in Western India: Part II–Higher Education". Indian Journal of Gender Studies. 15 (1): 141–148. doi:10.1177/097152150701500108.
^ Jump up to: a b Dorothy M. Figueira (2002). Aryans, Jews, Brahmins: Theorizing Authority through Myths of Identity. State University of New York Press. p. 129.
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^ Jump up to: a b Omvedt, Gail (1974). "Non-Brahmans and Nationalists in Poona". Economic and Political Weekly. 9 (6/8): 201–219. JSTOR 4363419.
Jump up ^ Sandhya Gokhale (2008). The Chitpavans: social ascendancy of a creative minority. p. 147. As early as 1881, in a few articles Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the resolute thinker and the enfant terrible of Indian politics, wrote comprehensive discourses on the need for united front by the Chitpavans, Deshasthas and the Karhades. Invoking the urgent necessity of this remarkable Brahmans combination, Tilak urged sincerely that these three groups of Brahmans should give up caste exclusiveness by encouraging inter sub-caste marriages and community dining."
Jump up ^ Cashman, Richard I. (1975). The myth of the Lokamanya : Tilak and mass politics in Maharashtra. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 52–54. ISBN 978-0520024076. Retrieved 18 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Geraldine Hancock Forbes (1999). Women in Modern India, Part 4, Volume 2. Cambridge University Press. p. 69.
Jump up ^ Shompa Lahiri. Indians in Britain: Anglo-Indian Encounters, Race and Identity, 1880-1930. p. 13.
Jump up ^ Chandra, Sudhir (1996). "Rukhmabai: Debate over Woman's Right to Her Person". Economic and Political Weekly. 31 (44): 2937–2947. JSTOR 4404742.
Jump up ^ Rappaport, Helen (2003). Queen Victoria: A Biographical Companion. ABC-CLIO. p. 429. ISBN 9781851093557.
Jump up ^ Vishwanath Prasad Varma; Lakshmi Narain Agarwa (1978). The Life and Philosophy of Lokamanya Tilak: With Excerpts from Original Sources. THE RELATIONS OF TILAK AND VIVEKANANDA The personal relations between Tilak and Swami Vivekananda (1863- 1902) were marked by great mutual regards and esteem. In 1892, Tilak was returning from Bombay to Poona and had occupied a seat in a second-class railway compartment. Some Gujratis accompanied Swami Vivekananda who also came and sat in the same compartment. The Gujarati introduced the Swami to Tilak and requested the Swami to stay with the latter..
Jump up ^ P. R. Bhuyan (2003). Swami Vivekananda: Messiah of Resurgent India. p. 191. 93. Among the Congress men there was one exception and that was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, whose patriotism was marked by 'sacrifice, scholastic fervour and militancy.'94 Tilak a great scholar, was also a fearless patriot, who wanted to meet the challenge of British imperialism with passive resistance and boycott of British goods. This programme came to the forefront in 1905-7, some years after the death of Swami Vivekananda. It would be useless to speculate what Swamiji would have ...
Jump up ^ "The Vedanta Kesari - Volume 65". 1978. p. 407. Here it will not be out of place to refer to Tilak's views of Swami Vivekananda whom he did not know intimately; but Swamiji's dynamic personality and powerful exposition of the Vedantic doctrine, could not fail to impress Tilak. When Swamiji's great soul sought eternal rest on the 4th July 1902, Tilak, paying his tributes to him, wrote in his Kesari: "No Hindu who has the interest of Hinduism at his heart, can help feeling grieved over Swami Vivekananda's Samadhi"
Jump up ^ "Yuva Bharati - Volume 7". 1979. p. 70. According to Basukaka, when Swamiji was living in Tilak's house as the latter's guest, Basukaka, who was present there, heard that it was agreed between Vivekananda and Tilak that Tilak would work for nationalism in the political field, while Vivekananda would work for nationalism in the religious field. Tilak and Vivekananda Now let us see what Tilak had himself to say about the meeting he had with Swamiji. Writing in the Vedanta Kesari (January •934), Tilak recalled the meeting..
Jump up ^ A.K. Bhagwat; G.P. Pradhan (2015). Lokmanya Tilak – A Biography. p. 226. ... Vivekanand was another powerful influence in turning the thoughts of Tilak from western to eastern philosophy. No Hindu, he says, who, has the interests of Hinduism at his heart, could help feeling grieved over Vivekananda's samadhi. ...Vivekananda, in short, had taken the work of keeping the banner of advaita philosophy forever flying among all the nations of the world and made them realize the true greatness of Hindu religion and of the Hindu people. He had hoped that he would crown his achievement with a fullfilment of this task by virtue of his learning, eloquence, enthusiasm and sincerity, just as he had laid a secure foundation for it;but with Swami's samadhi these hopes have gone.Thousands of years ago, another saint, Shankaracharya, showed to the world the glory and greatness of Hinduism. At the fag of the 19th century, the second Shankaracharya is Vivekananda, who, showed to the world the glory of Hinduism. His work has yet to be completed. We have lost our glory, our independence, everything.
Jump up ^ Mike Shepperdson; Colin Simmons (1988). The Indian National Congress Party and Political Economy in India, 1885-1985. p. 109. This connection with the British has tended to obscure an equally important significance in Shahu's exchanges with Tilak, especially in the dispute over the Vedokta, the right of Shahu's family and of other Marathas to use the vedic rituals of the twice-born kshatriya, rather than the puranic rituals and shudra status with which Tilak and conservative Brahman opinion held that the Marathas should be content.
Jump up ^ Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism: Bombay and the Indian National Congress 1880-1915 (Cambridge South Asian Studies). Cambridge University Press; 2nd edition (August 4, 2005). p. 104. The anti- durbar pressin kolhapur aligned itself with Tilak's newspapers and reproved Shahu for his caste prejudice and his unreasoned hostility towards Brahmins. To the Bombay government, and to the Vicereine herself, the Brahmins in Kolhapur presented themselves as the victims of a ruthless persecution by the Maharaja. .....Both Natu and Tilak suffered from the durbar's confiscation of estates - first during the confiscation of estates in Kolhapur - the first during a quarrel between Shahu and the Shankaracharya of Sankareshwar.S ee, for example, samarth, 8 august 1906, quoted in I.Copland , 'The Maharaja of Kolhapur', in Modern Asian studies, vol II, no 2(April 1973), 218. In 1906, the 'poor helpless women' of Kolhapur petitioned lady Minto alleging that four Brahmin ladies had been forcibly seduced by the Maharaja and that the Political Agent had refused to act in the matter.Broadsheets were distributed maintaining 'no beautiful woman is immune from the violence of the Maharaja...and the Brahmins being special objects of hatred no Brahmin women can hope to escape this shameful fate'...But the agent blamed everything on the troublesome brahmins.
Jump up ^ The New Encyclopædia Britannica: Solovyov - Truck, Volume 11. p. 772.
Jump up ^ Uma Chakravarti (2013). Rewriting History: The Life and Times of Pandita Ramabai. Zubaan Books.
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ "Tilak family awaits 3 lakh coins". Pune: Indian Express. 5 August 2007. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "Flawed 'Tilak coin' upsets many". Pune: Zee News. 2 August 2007. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Minor Robert (1986). Modern Indian Interpreters of the Bhagavad Gita. State University of NY press. ISBN 0-88706-298-9
Jump up ^ Bal Gangadhar Thilak, "Orion, or Researches into the Antiquities of the Vedas", 1893
Jump up ^ Thorat, Sukhdeo. "9th Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer Memorial Lecture on 5th August 2017 "Why Untouchability, Caste Discrimination and Atrocities still persists despite Law? Reflections on Causes for Persistence and Solutions"" (PDF). Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
Jump up ^ "Rajya Sabha Web Site" (PDF). p. 5. Retrieved 9 January 2011.
Jump up ^ "Mukta Tilak, MBA, is Pune's first BJP mayor". The Hindu. 2017.
Jump up ^ "ROHIT TILAK'S BAIL IN RAPE CASE EXTENDED BY COURT". 2017.
Jump up ^ "Great grandson of Bal Gangadhar Tilak charged with rape in Pune". 2017.
Further reading[edit]
Lokmanya Tilak: A Biography, by A K Bhagwat and G P Pradhan (Publisher JAICO)
Shrimad Bhagwat Geeta: Geeta Rahasya by Lokmanya Tilak (Sharda Prakashan)
Parimala V. Rao (2011). Foundations of Tilak's Nationalism: Discrimination, Education and Hindutva. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-4268-6.
Ram Gopal, Lokmanya Tilak—A Biography
External links[edit]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Bal Gangadhar Tilak.
Marathi Wikisource has original text related to this article:
बाळ गंगाधर टिळक
Bal Gangadhar Tilak materials in the South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA)
Full and authentic report of the Tilak trial (1908) being the only authorised verbatim account of the whole proceedings with introduction and character sketch of Bal Gangadhar Tikak: Together with press opinion, 1908, Narsinha Chintaman Kelkar
Antiquity of the Hindu Calendar, an interactive aid to understanding "The Orion" by Bal Gangadhar Thilak by Kishore S Kumar
"Tilak, Bal Gangadhar". Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). 1922.
Tilak- A forgotten Hero by Sanket Kalambe
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