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Mistake of law
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Mistake of law is a legal principle referring to one or more errors that were made by a person in understanding how the applicable law applied to their past activity that is under analysis by a court. In jurisdictions that use the term, it is differentiated from mistake of fact.
There is a principle of law that "ignorance of the law is no excuse". In criminal cases, a mistake of law is not a recognized defense, though such a mistake may in very rare instances fall under the legal category of "exculpation". In criminal cases a mistake of fact is normally called simply, "mistake".[citation needed]
Contents
1 General principles
2 Mistake of non-governing law in the United States
3 References
4 External links
General principles[edit]
Usually, there is in legal cases an irrebuttable presumption that people who are about to engage in an activity will comply with applicable law. As part of the rule of law, the law is assumed to be made available to everyone.[citation needed] The presumption of knowledge of applicable law generally will also apply in the situation of a recent change in the law with which a party in a legal case had no opportunity to become aware of it, e.g. the accused was out hunting in the wilderness and did not know that the law had changed to protect an endangered species.[citation needed]
Some states make a distinction between a mistake as to the substance and effect of existing laws, and a mistake that the law creates a specific right to act in the particular way.[1] Suppose, for example, that A, the owner of a vehicle, takes it into a garage for repair. When returning to collect it, A finds that the vehicle has been left parked in the street. If he has an honest belief that he has the right as an owner to retake possession of the vehicle without paying the outstanding bill for the repairs, he will not be considered as stealing it despite the fact that the garage holds a lien over the vehicle and so has the better right to possession until the bill is paid. This form of the defense is difficult to prove because the defendant must be able to prove that he believed in something more positive than the law permitted the particular behavior. The belief must be that the law creates and vests a specific right to act in that way. Under the Theft Act 1968 and the Criminal Damage Act 1971, a defense will arise if the defendant honestly believes that he is entitled to act in the way he did and this will negate the relevant mens rea element (e.g. of dishonesty under §2 Theft Act 1968).[citation needed] In Chamberlain v Lindon 1998 Lindon demolished a wall to protect a right-of-way, despite allowing nine months to pass before acting, Lindon honestly believed that it was immediately necessary to protect his legal rights without having to resort to civil litigation. For the purposes of §5(2):
it is not necessary to decide whether Lindon’s action was justified as a matter of civil law. For the purpose of the criminal law, what matters is whether Lindon believed that his actions were reasonable, i.e. a subjective test.
Thus a lawful excuse may be acknowledged by a court to arise when a person honestly but mistakenly believes that the actions are necessary and reasonable.
Mistake of non-governing law in the United States[edit]
One narrow area of exception occurs where a person makes a mistake of non-governing law. While the accused are not pardoned for failure to know what acts have been deemed criminal, they may not be held to know of non-criminal provisions that affect the status of things that might therefore be deemed criminal.[2] For example, suppose Jennifer is married to Phillip, but decides to get a divorce in order to marry Ben. However, Jennifer mistakenly believes that the divorce was final when she submitted the paperwork required by the state, and did not realize that she had to wait for a court to pronounce her divorced. In the interim, she marries Ben, and so is technically committing bigamy because she has married a second man before her divorce from the first was complete. Jennifer's mistake was not one of governing law (she did not mistakenly believe it was legal to be married to two people), but rather a mistake of non-governing law, which is akin to a mistake of fact. Depending on the jurisdiction in which the act took place, Jennifer may be allowed to raise the defense of mistake of law in such a scenario. See Long v. State, 44 Del. 262.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Richard G. Singer, John Q. La Fond, Criminal Law (2010), p. 98-99.
Jump up ^ Richard G. Singer, John Q. La Fond, Criminal Law (2010), p. 104.
External links[edit]
This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (January 2017)
Turner, Christian, The Burden of Knowledge (July 21, 2008). Georgia Law Review, Forthcoming.[when?] Available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1166402
Lambert v. California
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Mistake_of_law&oldid=762966440"
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2017 Australian Open – Men's singles final
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2017 Australian Open Men's Final
Roger Federer (17) vs. Rafael Nadal (9)
Set
1
2
3
4
5
Roger Federer 6 3 6 3 6
Rafael Nadal 4 6 1 6 3
Date
Sunday January 29, 2017
Tournament
Australian Open
Location
Melbourne, Australia
Main articles: 2017 Australian Open and 2017 Australian Open – Men's Singles
The 2017 Australian Open Men's Singles final was the championship tennis match of the Men's Singles tournament at the 2017 Australian Open. It was contested between Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal, ranked 17th and 9th in the world respectively. It was their record ninth meeting in a Grand Slam final in their rivalry, and their 1st meeting in a Grand Slam final since the 2011 French Open. In a rematch of the 2009 Australian Open final, which Nadal won in 5 sets, Roger Federer won the duel in 5 sets, beating Nadal for the first time in a Grand Slam since the 2007 Wimbledon final. He also trailed Nadal 3–1 in the final set but won 5 games in a row to win the title. This ended a 6-match losing streak against Nadal in Grand Slam events. Having lost all of their previous three encounters, this was the first time Federer defeated Nadal at the Australian Open and also marked Federer's first Grand Slam victory over Nadal outside the grass courts of Wimbledon. Federer extended his record of Grand Slam men's singles titles to 18 exceeding the previous record of 14 held by Pete Sampras.
Due to their storied rivalry, the advancing age of both players in their respective careers, critical speculation of this being their last Grand Slam finals contest against one another, the potential tennis history made from either victory and subsequent implications for their respective legacies, and the match's relevance towards popular and critical discussions on either Federer or Nadal being 'the greatest tennis player of all time', the 2017 Australian Open men's singles finals match between Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal, referred by the moniker 'Fedal XXXV', was a 'dream final' and the most highly anticipated final in not only the tournament's history, but also in tennis history, and was dubbed one of the most important sporting events ever played.[1][2][3][4][5][6]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Build-up
3 Match
4 Statistics
5 Significance
6 Viewership
7 Reactions
8 See also
9 References
Background[edit]
Federer and Nadal's participation in the 2017 Australian Open marked their major returns from their 2016 seasons that saw sidelining injuries. Federer in particular had not played a tournament since the 2016 Wimbledon semi-final, having aggravated his surgically repaired knee to the extent that he called off the rest of his 2016 season, including missing out the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio that he was keen to compete in for the men's singles Olympic Gold Medal that eluded him and also playing the highly anticipated mixed doubles pairing with compatriot and fellow tennis great, Martina Hingis.[7][8] Unable to defend his Cincinnati Open and Swiss Basel Indoors titles and his runner up position at the 2016 US Open, Federer fell from No. 3 to No. 16 at the end of the 2016, dropping out of the top 5 for the first time since March 2014 and dropping out of the top 10 rankings for the first time since 2002. Contrasting Federer's consistent semi-finals and finals appearances in Grand Slams from 2015 Wimbledon onwards, Nadal failed to make a Grand Slam quarterfinal since the 2015 French Open. His last Grand Slam title win was the 2014 French Open and his last appearance in the Australian Open men's singles final was against Stan Wawrinka in 2014, which Wawrinka won in four sets. Nadal, however, won the Monte-Carlo Masters title in 2016, while Federer, for the first time since 2000, did not win a tournament title. Prior to the 2017 Australian Open, Nadal had reached the quarterfinals of the 2017 Brisbane International losing to Milos Raonic, while Federer had played in the 2017 Hopman Cup in singles and mixed round robins with Belinda Bencic, winning two and losing one match in both singles and mixed doubles (the Swiss team did not qualify for the final).
En route to the final both Federer and Nadal made exceptional campaigns: Federer scored 3 top-10 wins, including a 5-set win over Kei Nishikori in the 4th round, which became Federer's 200th win over top-10 players in his career and becoming the first man ever to achieve this feat, and culminated by a 5-set win in the semifinals over compatriot Stan Wawrinka after surviving a few breaks points in the 5th; Nadal scored 2 top-10 wins, as well as ending Grigor Dimitrov's unbeaten 2017 win streak of 10 matches in the semifinals in 4 hours and 56 minutes, after being down 3–4, 15–40 in the 5th set. When top seeds Andy Murray and Novak Djokovic were knocked out early in the draw and both Federer and Nadal made quarter-finals on opposite sides of the draw, the men's singles final between Federer and Nadal was anticipated early and, when secured, drew immediate attention for being another confrontation between the two perennial archrivals and, more importantly, the potential tennis history made from either victory and the subsequent implications upon both players' respective legacies. Both men made note of the passage of time of their respective careers since their last Grand Slam final meeting and respective struggles, simultaneously acknowledging and embracing the present significance and the magnitude of their upcoming match.[citation needed]
Build-up[edit]
Main article: Federer–Nadal rivalry
Federer's entry in the 2017 Australian Open already drew substantial and critical media attention due to his 6-month layoff from his knee injury, his continued years-long quest for his 18th singles major, and his consistent form and reflected appearances in two semi-finals and two finals in four previous Grand Slam tournaments despite his advancing age. The 2017 Australian Open men's singles final between perennial archrivals Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal further developed from that attention and the match was immediately regarded by fans, fellow tennis contemporaries, pundits and analysts, and the media as a 'dream final' and, more importantly, a match of historical significance for both players, as agreed by many past legends such as Andy Roddick and Pam Shriver as well as renowned tennis analyst Mary Carillo.[9] Due to their respective ages of 35 and 30, the increasing number of years since their last respective Grand Slam title wins, and the perceived declines from their prime sporting years which saw some critics voicing opinions that neither player would ever win a singles major again, it was critically speculated that the 2017 Australian Open men's singles final may mark the last time that Federer and Nadal would meet and contest each other in a Grand Slam final. Furthermore, many other pundits and analysts also agreed that this match could very well prove who between Federer and Nadal would be popularly and critically viewed as the "greatest tennis player of all time". Federer held the all-time count of men's singles of Grand Slam titles at 17, while Nadal held the second all-time count of 14 tied with Pete Sampras and a dominant head-to-head 23–11 record against Federer. The 2017 Australian Open men's singles final would either see Federer breaking his historic all-time record of 17 men's Grand Slam singles titles, or, Nadal with 15 Grand Slam singles titles that would break the tie between himself and Sampras' Grand Slam title count and subsequently narrow the Grand Slam title count gap between himself and Federer. Furthermore, should Nadal win, he would become the first man in the Open Era to achieve a double career Grand Slam, winning each of the Grand Slams at least twice in men's singles.
Numerous tennis players and legends fielded their opinions on the match and who would win, including Australian Open promotional interviews with Roy Emerson, Fred Stolle, John McEnroe, Lindsay Davenport, and Rod Laver, in addition to other media interviews with John Newcombe, Martina Navratilova, Lleyton Hewitt, Pat Rafter, Michael Chang, Mary Joe Fernández, and Andy Roddick. Federer's age, his last two disappointing four-set losses in Grand Slam tournament finals, and first tournament return from his six-month layoff due to his injured and surgically repaired knee were all collectively cited against Federer's chances for winning the final, all in addition to the popularly cited Nadal's dominant head-to-head record (including 3-0 against Federer in their previous Australian Open matches), and particular game match-up against Federer's game. Players remarked that the court speed would favor Federer's game over Nadal's, and the media noted that Federer's game may be further helped by the courts being comparatively faster than the previous year's Australian Open,[10] but this remains disputed.[11] Further adding to Federer's chances to winning were their last encounter ending in Federer's favor at the 2015 Swiss Basel Indoors, an additional day of rest for Federer, a comparatively improved backhand that might hold up better against Nadal's lefty forehand, and Nadal's intensely contested five-set semi-final match against Grigor Dimitrov which lasted almost five hours.
Match[edit]
The men's final, 2017.
James Keothavong of the UK was the chair umpire.
The match lasted 3:38 minutes, including a medical time-out for Federer after the 4th set. Federer won the first set 6–4 after breaking Nadal in the 7th game. Nadal won the second set 6–3 where he broke Federer twice and Federer broke back once. The start of the third set saw a crucial momentum swing, where Federer saved 3 break points in his opening service game, all of which were saved by aces. After holding on to his serve, Federer subsequently broke Nadal twice to take the set 6–1. The fourth set was won by Nadal 6–3, and it came down to a fifth set.
Federer took an off-court medical time-out at the start of the fifth set. Upon resumption of play, Nadal broke Federer in the first game, and was leading the final set 3–1. However, Federer would prove out to be too strong for Nadal after that. He broke back to level the set at 3–3. After holding his serve to take the lead 4–3, Federer went on to break Nadal's next service game, which included a 26 shot rally (longest in the match) at deuce. Whilst serving for the championship at 5–3, Federer had to overcome a 15–40 deficit to reach championship point. On his second championship point, Federer hit a forehand winner that landed on the line of the alley on the deuce side. Nadal challenged the call, but, upon Hawk-Eye review, the call was upheld and Federer won the match.[12]
Statistics[edit]
The match statistics followed a similar pattern to those at the 2009 Australian Open final, with a few exceptions: Federer has a higher break point conversion rate than Nadal, and Nadal winning a higher percentage of points at the net.
The most striking difference between this match and past Fedal Slam finals is that Federer hit more than double the number of winning shots than Nadal, 73 to 35.
Category
Federer
Nadal
1st serve % 85 of 138 = 62% 110 of 151 = 73%
Winning % on 1st serve 65 of 85 = 76% 69 of 110 = 63%
Winning % on 2nd serve 26 of 53 = 49% 23 of 41 = 56%
Aces 20 4
Double faults 3 3
Winners 73 35
Unforced errors 57 28
Winners-UFE +16 +7
Forehand winners 28 20
Backhand winners 14 9
Receiving points won 59 of 151 = 39% 47 of 138 = 34%
Break point conversions 6 of 20 = 30% 4 of 17 = 24%
Net approaches 29 of 40 = 73% 10 of 12 = 83%
Fastest serve 207 km/h 200 km/h
Average 1st serve speed 185 km/h 177 km/h
Average 2nd serve speed 147 km/h 150 km/h
Total points won 150 of 289 = 52% 139 of 289 = 48%
Source
Significance[edit]
Winning his 5th Australian Open men's singles title, Roger Federer extended his all-time record of Grand Slam titles to 18, pulling four ahead of the second all-time count of 14 held by Rafael Nadal and Pete Sampras. Federer also became the first man ever to win at least 5 singles majors at 3 different Grand Slams each (Australian Open, Wimbledon, and US Open). In addition to being denied his third effort to win the Australian Open title, Nadal was also denied, for the second time after the 2014 Australian Open men's singles final, from becoming the first man to achieve a double career Grand Slam in the Open Era. Furthermore, Federer's victory over Nadal in the Australian Open 2017 final was his first Grand Slam match win over Nadal since the 2007 Wimbledon final nearly a decade ago, and also marked Federer's first ever win over Nadal in a Grand Slam match outside of the grass courts of Wimbledon. Most importantly, Federer's 2017 Australian Open title victory marked the culmination of his years-long quest since his 2012 Wimbledon title win for his 18th Grand Slam singles title, which previously saw three finals appearances and losses all to then-reigning No. 1 Novak Djokovic at the 2014 Wimbledon and 2015's Wimbledon and US Open. At 35 years and 174 days of age, Federer became the second-oldest winner of a Grand Slam after Ken Rosewall since 1972. Considered altogether along with his return from his six-month injury layoff, his 2017 Australian Open run seeing three 5-set match wins over top 10 players, and his Grand Slam match history of losses against Nadal, Federer's victory from being down 1–3 in the final set against Nadal in the 2017 Australian Open men's singles final is considered by some to be the biggest win in his career.
Federer's 5th Australian Open title win marked a tournament record 7 year-long gap between a player's successive Australian Open titles[13] and also established an Open-era Slam record of a 13+ year-long span of winning men's singles Grand Slam titles since his maiden 2003 Wimbledon title win. Winning another Australian Open title also saw Federer increase his all-time record count of hard court singles majors to 10, two ahead of the second all-time count of 8 held by Novak Djokovic. Federer is now tied with Djokovic with the record of 6 Australian Open finals and is one behind Djokovic's all-time record count of 6 Australian Open titles. In addition, the match was also Federer's career 7th five-set Grand Slam final match, subsequently breaking the all-time career record tie held with Björn Borg of 6 Grand Slam five-set finals.
Federer's winning campaign at the 2017 Australian Open defeated four top 10 players, three of which whose matches went to a full five sets and two of them were back-to-back: 5th seed Kei Nishikori in the 4th round; 4th seed Stan Wawrinka in the semi-final; and 9th seed Rafael Nadal in the final. The previous winning campaign in a men's singles Grand Slam defeating four top 10 players for the title was 35 years ago, accomplished by the unseeded 17 year-old Mats Wilander at the 1982 French Open - Men's Singles. The 2017 Australian Open men's singles final also marked Federer's 100th Australian Open match. Winning the 2017 Australian Open catapulted Federer back into the top 10 rankings at No. 10. Nadal's runner-up position advanced his rank from No. 9 to No. 6.
Nadal and Federer would continue their resurgent form throughout the season, each winning two of the four majors (Federer winning a record eighth Wimbledon title, Nadal a record 10th French Open and a third US Open) and finishing as world number 1 and 2 respectively. However, Federer won all four matches between the two during the season, including two further finals at the Masters 1000 series events in Miami and Shanghai.
Viewership[edit]
The match was one of the most watched tennis matches in history. Eurosport's coverage of the event reached 9.7 million viewers across Europe, becoming its most-watched tennis match of all-time and the second most watched sport event in Eurosport’s history, averaging 7.2 million viewers through the match's duration and peaking at 8 million viewers during the final set.[14] Eurosport's coverage of the final also broke local records receiving the highest ever amount of average viewers for a Eurosport programme in the Netherlands with 503,000 viewers and in Spain with 610,000 viewers.[15]
In Australia, the free-to-air television broadcast on the Seven Network was the highest-rating Australian Open Men's Singles Final in more than a decade, with a combined 2.668 million viewers in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide & Perth. Including regional viewers (965,000), the figure rose to 3.615 million viewers across Australia. A one-minute period peaked at 4.4 million viewers across Australia. Across the final day of the tournament, 6.5 million Australians watched at least 5 consecutive minutes of the broadcast. In addition, the match was streamed online in Australia by nearly 190,000 people. The Seven Network had a free-to-air audience share of 54.5% between 6:00pm and 12:00am.[16]
In the United States, ESPN said the men’s final drew a record audience since it moved to an overnight time slot in 2005. Starting at 3:30 AM ET Sunday, the five-set match posted a 0.9 overnight rating (~1.05 million households), up 80% from the 2016 final between Novak Djokovic and Andy Murray. The network said it likely will be the most-watched program at that hour in ESPN history.[17]
Reactions[edit]
Joining the social media congratulations and praise from fans, commentators, fellow contemporaries and tennis legends such as Billie Jean King who praised Federer as the greatest of all time,[18] were other sport stars and legends outside of tennis such as Mesut Özil, Ian Thorpe, Alex Morgan, Sachin Tendulkar, Pau Gasol, Luís Figo, Franco Baresi, Karrie Webb, Lin Dan, and Usain Bolt.[19] [20][21][22][23] Golf legend 'Golden Bear' Jack Nicklaus, who holds the all-time record of golf majors at the same number of 18, also offered his congratulations to Federer for winning his 18th major tennis singles win.[24][25]
Commentators contributed their post-match thoughts. Brad Gilbert said to his fellow commentators Chris McKendry and Darren Cahill that he could easily make a case that Federer, being 1-3 down to his archrival Nadal in the final deciding set, would go on to play the best five games in his career, coming up the most clutch that he has ever been, especially in the face of Nadal and everything that was on line in losing this match to him. Patrick McEnroe of ESPN said that Federer 'out-Rafa'd Rafa', noting that, instead of being emotionally and physically depleted from being grounded down by Nadal's persistence and tenacity, Federer this time around was 'the fighter. . . that was defending, that was scrapping, was coming up with shots on the run' that, coupled with his serve, saw him close the gap between himself and Nadal and then go on to win the deciding set of the match. John McEnroe remarked that Nadal's long semi-final and the one day of difference of rest between him and Federer perhaps made themselves felt in the latter stages of the match. But John McEnroe, who himself in the past was one of the critics who judged that Federer would never again win another major after his 2012 Wimbledon title win,[26] remarked that during the match's final set Federer 'showed more heart and will than he ever has in a singles match in his life,' which led to Federer's victory that in John McEnroe's eyes cemented Federer as being the best player of all time unless Nadal can win additional majors to once again close the gap between their respective Grand Slam singles title count. Due to the form shown by both players, both McEnroe brothers say that Federer and Nadal could very well win at their respective most successful Slams of Wimbledon and the French Open ahead. This prediction proved out to be correct, as later in the year Nadal and Federer, won French open and Wimbledon respectively, both without dropping a set. Nadal also won the US Open later.
Pat Cash criticized Federer's 'lengthy break' after the 4th set due to a medical time-out, accusing him of "legal" cheating and criticized the tournament for allowing Federer to do so. In response, Federer said that Cash was unfair and exaggerating in his criticism, elaborating that his quad and groin began to hurt through the second and third sets respectively and finally warranted a medical time-out after the end of the fourth set. Further defending his integrity, Federer said that he was the last guy to take a medical time-out, much less abuse it, citing his 20-year career of having not called a medical time-out prior to the 2017 Australian Open.[27] When asked in the post-match conference for his thoughts, Nadal was indifferent, "[having] no opinion and didn't know what was going on". Nadal himself had taken a brief break in which he went to the dressing room and returned to court in fresh clothes.[28] As precedence, Nadal also took a timeout in the 2014 final against Stan Wawrinka when he was behind, and came back to play better and win the third set in that final following the break. Nadal's uncle and coach, Toni Nadal, also believed that Federer's medical time out was not called to secure an advantage from stopping the match's rhythm and pace.[29] In fact, Nadal broke Federer's serve immediately after the timeout.
See also[edit]
2008 Wimbledon Championships – Men's singles final
2009 Australian Open – Men's singles final
2009 French Open – Men's singles final
2009 Wimbledon Championships – Men's singles final
2012 Australian Open – Men's singles final
2012 Wimbledon Championships – Men's singles final
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "The match that transcends tennis". Australian Open. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Fedal XXXV: What the world is saying". Australian Open. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Australian Open 2017: Roddick says Nadal-Federer final would be greatest ever". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "Fedal final the 'most important ever,' says Wilander". TenniSmash. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Australian Open: Roger Federer vs Rafael Nadal tipped as 'biggest' final ever". ABC.net.au. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Rafael Nadal to play Roger Federer in Australian Open final". edition.CNN.com. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "Roger Federer, Martina Hingis lead Switzerland Olympic tennis team". NBCSports.com. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Roger Federer and Martina Hingis to team up at Rio 2016 Olympics". TheGuardian.com. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
Jump up ^ "Far more on the line than an Aussie Open trophy for Federer, Nadal". ESPN.com. Retrieved 2017-01-28.
Jump up ^ "Talking points from day nine of the Australian Open". News.com.au. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "Roger Federer not getting favours with faster courts – Australian Open boss". TheGuardian.com. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ Christopher Clarey (2017). "Roger Federer, Defying Age, Tops Rafael Nadal in Australian Open Final," New York Times, January 29.
Jump up ^ "7 years Longest Gap Between #AusOpen Titles in the Open Era". Australian Open. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "Dream Final Serves Up Biggest Ever Audience on Eurosport". Eurosport. Retrieved 2017-02-01.
Jump up ^ "TV ratings go higher than ever for the Federer-Nadal final". Tennis World Magazine. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "TV ratings for 2017 Australian Open Men's Final in Australia. Copyright OzTam, RegTAM, Seven Network and Twitter Australia (Mediaweek Australia)". Mediaweek Australia. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ "ESPN Hits A Ratings Winner With Historic Australian Open". Deadline. Retrieved 2017-04-08.
Jump up ^ "'There is a reason @rogerfederer is the [G.O.A.T.]. He showed us again tonight at @AustralianOpen that true champions always find a way to win". Twitter. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "ICYMI: Usain Bolt, Russell Crowe among those reacting to riveting Aussie Open final". ESPN.com. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "As Roger Federer wins 18th Grand Slam Titles, Lin Dan looks for his 20th". BadmintonPlanet.com. Retrieved 6 April 2017.
Jump up ^ "Twitter goes wild after Roger Federer wins 2017 Australian Open". Sports Illustrated. Retrieved 1 February 2017.
Jump up ^ "Sporting stars react to Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal's epic Australian Open final". GiveMeSport.com. Retrieved 1 February 2017.
Jump up ^ "Federer-Nadal met the expectations of the world". Baseline.Tennis.com. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "Nicklaus welcomes Federer to 'Club 18'". Golf Channel. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "Jack Nicklaus Welcomes Federer To 'Club 18'". ATP.com. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "McEnroe cannot see another grand slam win for Federer". Reuters Sports News. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "Pat Cash accuses Roger Federer of cheating during Australian Open 2017 final". International Business Times. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "Roger Federer returns serve at 'legalised cheating' claim by Pat Cash". Stuff.co.nz/sport. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
Jump up ^ "Toni Nadal: "Federer fue mejor y no hay nada que decir". Puntodebreak.com. Retrieved 31 January 2017.
[show]
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International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
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IBEW
Full name
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
Founded
1891
Members
725,000 (2014)[1]
Affiliation
AFL-CIO, CLC, NAMTU
Key people
Lonnie R. Stephenson, president[2]
Office location
Washington, DC
Country
United States, Canada,[3] Panama,[4] Guam[5][6] and Wake Island
Website
www.ibew.org
The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) is a labor union which represents nearly 750,000 workers and retirees [1] in the electrical industry in the United States, Canada,[3] Panama,[4] Guam[5][6] and several Caribbean island nations; particularly electricians, or inside wiremen, in the construction industry and linemen and other employees of public utilities. The union also represents some workers in the computer, telecommunications, broadcasting, and other fields related to electrical work. It was founded in 1891, 2 years before George Westinghouse won the electric current wars by lighting up the Chicago worlds fair with AC current, and before homes and businesses in the United States began receiving electricity. It is an international organization, based on the principle of collective bargaining. Its international president is Lonnie R. Stephenson, and is affiliated with the AFL-CIO.
The beginnings of the IBEW were in the Electrical Wiremen and Linemen's Union No. 5221, founded in St. Louis, Missouri in 1890.[7][8] By 1891, after sufficient interest was shown in a national union, a convention was held on November 21, 1891 in St. Louis. At the convention, the IBEW, then known as the National Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (NBEW), was officially formed. The American Federation of Labor gave the NBEW a charter as an AFL affiliate on December 7, 1891. The union's official journal, The Electrical Worker, was first published on January 15, 1893, and has been published ever since. At the 1899 convention in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the union's name was officially changed to the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
The union went through lean times in its early years, then struggled through six years of schism during the 1910s, when two rival groups each claimed to be the duly elected leaders of the union. In 1919, as many employers were trying to drive unions out of the workplace through a national open shop campaign, the union agreed to form the Council on Industrial Relations, a bipartite body made up of equal numbers of management and union representatives with the power to resolve any collective bargaining disputes. That body still functions today, and has largely resolved strikes in the IBEW's jurisdiction in the construction industry.
In September 1941, the National Apprenticeship Standards for the Electrical Construction Industry, a joint effort among the IBEW, the National Electrical Contractors Association, and the Federal Committee on Apprenticeship, were established. The IBEW added additional training programs and courses as needed to keep up with new technologies, including an industrial electronics course in 1959 and an industrial nuclear power course in 1966.
Today, the IBEW conducts apprenticeship programs for electricians, linemen, and VDV (voice, data, and video) installers (who install low-voltage wiring such as computer networks), in conjunction with the National Electrical Contractors Association, under the auspices of the National Joint Apprenticeship and Training Committee (NJATC), which allows apprentices to "earn while you learn." In Canadian jurisdictions, the IBEW does not deliver apprenticeship training, but does conduct supplemental training for government trained apprentices and journeypersons, often at little or no cost to its members. The IBEW local 353 Toronto requires all apprentices to be registered with the JAC (Joint Apprenticeship Council) for a number of safety courses, pre-apprenticeship training, pre-trade school courses, supplementary training, and pre-exam courses.
The IBEW's membership peaked in 1972 at approximately 1 million members. The membership numbers were in a slow decline throughout the rest of the 1970s and the 1980s, but have since stabilized. One major loss of membership for the IBEW came about because of the court-ordered breakup at the end of 1982 of AT&T, where the IBEW was heavily organized among both telephone workers and in AT&T's manufacturing facilities. Membership as of 2013 stands at about 750,000, according to their official website.
Contents
[hide]
1 List of International Presidents
2 List of IBEW Conventions
3 External links
3.1 Archives
List of International Presidents[edit]
IBEW obligation at Local 405 hall in Cedar Rapids, Iowa
Henry Miller (1891–1893)
Queren Jansen (1893–1894)
H. W. Sherman (1894–1897)
J. H. Maloney (1897–1899)
Thomas Wheeler (1899–1901)
W. A. Jackson (1901–1903)
Frank Joseph McNulty (1903–1919) – first full-time, paid president of the union; elected at Salt Lake City Conference in 1903, retired at New Orleans Conference in 1919
James Patrick Noonan (acting president, 1917, president 1919–1929) – died in office
Henry H. Broach (1929–1933)
Daniel (Dan) W. Tracy (1933–1940)
Edward J. Brown (1940–1947)
Daniel (Dan) W. Tracy (1947–1954)
J. Scott Milne (1954–1955)
Gordon M. Freeman (1955–1968)
Charles H. Pillard (1968–1986)
John Joseph (Jack) Barry (1986–2001)
Edwin D. (Ed) Hill (2001–2015)
Lonnie R. Stephenson (2015–present)
List of IBEW Conventions[edit]
[9][10]
#
Location
Date
1 St. Louis, Missouri November 1891
2 Chicago, Illinois November 1892
3 Cleveland, Ohio November 1893
4 Washington D.C. November 1895
5 Detroit, Michigan November 1897
6 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania October 1899
7 St. Louis, Missouri October 1901
8 Salk Lake City, Utah September 1903
9 Louisville, Kentucky September 1905
10 Chicago, Illinois Sept./ Oct. 1909
11 Rochester, New York September 1911
12 Boston, Massachusetts September 1913
13 St. Paul, Minnesota Sept./ Oct. 1915
14 Atlantic City, New Jersey September 1917
15 New Orleans, Louisiana September 1919
16 St. Louis, Missouri Sept./ Oct. 1921
17 Montreal, Quebec August 1923
18 Seattle, Washington August 1925
19 Detroit, Michigan August 1927
20 Miami, Florida September 1929
21 St. Louis, Missouri October 1941
22 San Francisco, California September 1946
23 Atlantic City, New Jersey September 1948
24 Miami, Florida October 1950
25 Chicago, Illinois Aug./ Sept. 1954
26 Cleveland, Ohio Sept./ Oct. 1958
27 Montreal, Quebec September 1962
28 St. Louis, Missouri September 1966
29 Seattle, Washington Sept./ Oct. 1970
30 Kansas City, Missouri September 1974
31 Atlantic City, New Jersey October 1978
32 Los Angeles, California September 1982
33 Toronto, Ontario September 1986
34 St. Louis, Missouri October 1991
35 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania September 1996
36 San Francisco, California September 2001
37 Cleveland, Ohio September 2006
38 Vancouver, British Columbia September 2011
39 St. Louis, Missouri September 2016
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
Organized labour portal
IBEW.org
Archives[edit]
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 77 (Seattle, Wash.) Records, 1905-2003. 14 cubic feet. At the Labor Archives of Washington State, University of Washington Libraries Special Collections.
Henry Andes Papers. 2003 .03 cu. ft. (1 folder)
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Canada – Canadian Labour Unions – Web Archive created by the University of Toronto Libraries

[hide]
v
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Canadian Labour Congress
Provincial
federations
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Manitoba
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National
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ACTRA
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affiliates
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IBEW
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IPP
IUOE
IUPAT
OPCMIA
SEIU
SIU
SMWIA
UA
UAW
UBCJA
UFCW
UMW
UNITE HERE
USW
UTU
Presidents
Claude Jodoin (1956–1966)
Donald MacDonald (1967–1974)
Joe Morris (1974–1978)
Dennis McDermott (1978–1986)
Shirley Carr (1986–1992)
Bob White (1992–1999)
Ken Georgetti (1999–2014)
Hassan Yussuff (2014–present)
See also
Canadian Congress of Labour
International Labor Communications Association
One Big Union
Trades and Labour Congress
Workers' Unity League
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.ibew.org/Who-We-Are
Jump up ^ http://www.ibew.org/articles/15ElectricalWorker/EW1507/LonnieR.Stephenson.0715.html
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.ibewcanada.ca/
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.ibew.org/articles/09ElectricalWorker/EW0609/01.0609.html
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.ibew.org/articles/12ElectricalWorker/EW1203/04.0312.html
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.ibew.org/articles/02journal/0210/p4.Guam.htm
Jump up ^ Palladino, Grace (1991). Dreams of Dignity, Workers of Vision. Washington D.C.: International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
Jump up ^ "Hazards of the Electrical Occupation". Electrical Review and Western Electrician. 54 (3): 122.
Jump up ^ National Joint Apprenticeship and Training committee for the Electrical Industry. Student Orientation Workbook. Upper Marlboro, MD: NJATC, 2005. Book. Page 193
Jump up ^ http://www.ibew.org/conventionlive/index.htm
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History of laws concerning immigration and naturalization in the United States
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This is a history of laws concerning immigration and naturalization in the United States. Immigration is distinct from naturalization. For the first century of the United States' history, immigration to the country was unrestricted. Anyone could move into the United States, start a new life, pay taxes, participate in military service and conduct business. However, while the United States had an "open-borders" policy for the first century of its existence, meaning anyone could immigrate into the country without any restrictions, it had very clear naturalization laws from the first years of its existence. Anyone who wanted to vote or hold elective office had to be naturalized. That is, anyone could immigrate in, but only those who went through the naturalization process and became a citizen could vote or hold elective office.
This set of policies, in which open immigration was permitted, but naturalization was tightly controlled, persisted until the 1870s and 1880s, when growing support for Darwinian eugenics eventually drove the US government to adopt immigration laws. These laws were intended to end the open immigration policy which the Founding Fathers had permitted, in favor of preventing "racial taint" from immigrants who entered from undesirable countries. The political movement which fought against "racial taint" was called "Progressivism", and included such luminaries as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson
Contents
1 18th century
2 19th century
3 20th century
3.1 1960s
3.2 1980s
3.3 1990s
4 21st century
4.1 Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S.744)
4.2 Executive actions
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
18th century[edit]
The United States Constitution was adopted on September 17, 1787. Article I, section 8, clause 4 of the Constitution expressly gives the United States Congress the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.[1]
Pursuant to this power, Congress in 1790 passed the first naturalization law for the United States, the Naturalization Act of 1790. The law enabled those who had resided in the country for two years and had kept their current state of residence for a year to apply for citizenship. However it restricted naturalization to "free white persons" of "good moral character".
The Naturalization Act of 1795 increased the residency requirement to five years residence and added a requirement to give a three years notice of intention to apply for citizenship, and the Naturalization Act of 1798 further increased the residency requirement to 14 years and required five years notice of intent to apply for citizenship.
19th century[edit]
The Naturalization Law of 1802 repealed the Naturalization Act of 1798.
The Fourteenth Amendment, passed in 1868, protects children born in the United States. The phrase: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside" was interpreted by the Supreme Court in the 1898 case United States v. Wong Kim Ark as covering everyone born in the U.S. to parents who had at the time a permanent domicile and residence in the United States, regardless of the parents' citizenship, with the exception of the children of diplomats and Native Americans. See the articles jus soli (birthplace) and jus sanguinis (bloodline) for further discussion.
In 1870, the law was broadened to allow blacks to be naturalized.[2] Asian immigrants were excluded from naturalization but not from living in the United States. There were also significant restrictions on some Asians at the state level; in California, for example, non-citizen Asians were not allowed to own land.
After the immigration of 123,000 Chinese in the 1870s, who joined the 105,000 who had immigrated between 1850 and 1870, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 which targeted a single ethnic group by specifically limiting further Chinese immigration. Chinese had immigrated to the Western United States as a result of unsettled conditions in China, the availability of jobs working on railroads, and the Gold Rush that was going on at that time in California. The expression "Yellow Peril" became popular at this time.
The act excluded Chinese laborers from immigrating to the United States for ten years and was the first immigration law passed by Congress. Laborers in the United States and laborers with work visas received a certificate of residency and were allowed to travel in and out of the United States. Amendments made in 1884 tightened the provisions that allowed previous immigrants to leave and return, and clarified that the law applied to ethnic Chinese regardless of their country of origin. The act was renewed in 1892 by the Geary Act for another ten years, and in 1902 with no terminal date. It was repealed in 1943, although large scale Chinese immigration did not occur until 1965.[citation needed]
20th century[edit]
The Empire of Japan's State Department negotiated the so-called Gentlemen's Agreement in 1907, a protocol where Japan agreed to stop issuing passports to its citizens who wanted to emigrate to the United States. In practice, the Japanese government compromised with its prospective emigrants and continued to give passports to the Territory of Hawaii where many Japanese resided. Once in Hawaii, it was easy for the Japanese to continue on to Japanese settlements on the west coast if they so desired. In the decade of 1901 to 1910, 129,000 Japanese immigrated to the United States or Hawaii; nearly all were males and on five-year work contracts and 117,000 more came in the decades from 1911 to 1930. How many of them stayed and how many returned at the end of their contracts is unknown but it is estimated that about one-half returned. Again this immigrant flow was at least 80% male and the demand for female Japanese immigrants almost immediately arose. This need was met in part by what are called "postcard wives" who immigrated to new husbands who had chosen them on the basis of their pictures (similar marriages also occurred in nearly all cultures throughout the female-scarce west). The Japanese government finally quit issuing passports to the Territory of Hawaii for single women in the 1920s.
Congress also banned persons because of poor health or lack of education. An 1882 law banned entry of "lunatics" and infectious disease carriers. After President William McKinley was assassinated by an anarchist of immigrant parentage, Congress enacted the Anarchist Exclusion Act in 1901 to exclude known anarchist agitators.[3] A literacy requirement was added in the Immigration Act of 1917.
In 1921 the United States Congress passed the Emergency Quota Act, which established national immigration quotas. The quotas were based on the number of foreign-born residents of each nationality who were living in the United States as of the 1910 census.
The crucial 1923 Supreme Court case United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind created the official stance to classify South Asian Indians as non-white, which at the time allowed Indians who had already been naturalized to be retroactively stripped of their citizenship after prosecutors argued that they had gained their citizenship illegally.[4] The California Alien Land Law of 1913, overturned in 1952 by the holding in Sei Fujii v. California, 38 Cal. 2d 718, and other similar laws prohibited aliens from owning land property, thus effectively stripping Indian Americans of land rights. While the decision was placating Asiatic Exclusion League (AEL) demands, spurned by growing outrage at the Turban Tide/Hindoo Invasion [sic] alongside the pre-existing outrage at the "Yellow Peril", and while more recent legislation influenced by the civil-rights movement has removed much of the statutory discrimination against Asians, no case has overturned this 1923 classification.
A more complex quota plan, the National Origins Formula, replaced this "emergency" system under the Immigration Act of 1924 (Johnson-Reed Act). The reference census used was changed to that of 1890, which greatly reduced the number of Southern and Eastern European immigrants. An annual ceiling of 154,227 was set for the Eastern Hemisphere. Each country had a quota proportional to its population in the U.S. as of the 1890 census.
In 1932 President Hoover and the State Department essentially shut down immigration during the Great Depression as immigration went from 236,000 in 1929 to 23,000 in 1933. This was accompanied by voluntary repatriation to Europe and Mexico, and coerced repatriation and deportation of between 500,000 and 2 million Mexican Americans, mostly citizens, in the Mexican Repatriation. Total immigration in the decade of 1931 to 1940 was 528,000 averaging less than 53,000 a year.
The Chinese exclusion laws were repealed in 1943. The Luce-Celler Act of 1946 ended discrimination against Indian Americans and Filipinos, who were accorded the right to naturalization, and allowed a quota of 100 immigrants per year.
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (the McCarran-Walter Act) revised the quotas again, basing them on the 1920 census. For the first time in American history, racial distinctions were omitted from the U.S. Code. As could be expected, most of the quota allocation went to immigrants from Ireland, the United Kingdom and Germany who already had relatives in the United States.[citation needed] The anti-subversive features of this law are still in force.[citation needed]
1960s[edit]
The Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1965 (the Hart-Celler Act) abolished the system of national-origin quotas. There was, for the first time, a limitation on Western Hemisphere immigration (120,000 per year), with the Eastern Hemisphere limited to 170,000. The law changed the preference system for immigrants. Specifically, the law provided preference to immigrants with skills needed in the U.S. workforce, refugees and asylum seekers, as well as family members of U.S. citizens. Family reunification became the cornerstone of the bill. At the time, the then-chairman of the Senate Immigration Subcommittee Edward Kennedy remarked that "the bill will not flood our cities with immigrants. It will not upset the ethnic mix of our society. It will not relax the standards of admission. It will not cause American workers to lose their jobs." (U.S. Senate, Subcommittee on Immigration and Naturalization of the Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, D.C., Feb. 10, 1965. pp. 1–3.)
1980s[edit]
The Refugee Act of 1980 established policies for refugees, redefining "refugee" according to United Nations norms. A target for refugees was set at 50,000 and the worldwide ceiling for immigrants was reduced to 270,000 annually.
In 1986, the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) was passed, creating for the first time penalties for employers who knowingly hired undocumented immigrants. IRCA also contained an amnesty for about 3 million undocumented immigrants already in the United States, and mandated the intensification of some of the activities of the United States Border Patrol or INS (now part of Department of Homeland Security).
1990s[edit]
The U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform, led by former Rep. Barbara Jordan, ran from 1990 to 1997. The Commission covered many facets of immigration policy, but started from the perception that the "credibility of immigration policy can be measured by a simple yardstick: people who should get in, do get in; people who should not get in, are kept out; and people who are judged deportable are required to leave".[5] From there, in a series of four reports, the commission looked at all aspects of immigration policy.[6] In the first, it found that enforcement was lax and needed improvement on the border and internally. For internal enforcement, it recommended that an automated employment verification system be created to enable employers to distinguish between legal and illegal workers. The second report discussed legal immigration issues and suggested that immediate family members and skilled workers receive priority. The third report covered refugee and asylum issues. Finally, the fourth report reiterated the major points of the previous reports and the need for a new immigration policy. Few of these suggestions were implemented.
The Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) modified and expanded the 1965 act; it significantly increased the total immigration limit to 700,000 and increased visas by 40 percent. Family reunification was retained as the main immigration criterion, with significant increases in employment-related immigration.
Several pieces of legislation signed into law in 1996 marked a turn towards harsher policies for both legal and illegal immigrants. The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA) and Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) vastly increased the categories of criminal activity for which immigrants, including green card holders, can be deported and imposed mandatory detention for certain types of deportation cases. As a result, well over 2 million individuals have been deported since 1996.[7]
21st century[edit]
The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 affected American perspectives on many issues, including immigration. A total of 20 foreign terrorists were involved, 19 of whom took part in the attacks that caused the deaths of 2,977 victims, most of them civilians. The terrorists had entered the United States on tourist or student visas. Four of them, however, had violated the terms of their visas. The attack exposed long-standing weaknesses in the U.S. immigration system that included failures in the areas of visa processing, internal enforcement, and information sharing.[8]
The REAL ID Act of 2005 changed some visa limits, tightened restrictions on asylum applications and made it easier to exclude suspected terrorists, and removed restrictions on building border fences.
In 2005, Senators John McCain and Ted Kennedy revived the discussion of comprehensive immigration reform with the proposal of the Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act, incorporating legalization, guest worker programs, and enhanced border security. The bill was never voted on in the Senate, but portions are incorporated in later Senate proposals.
In 2006, the House of Representatives and the Senate produced their own, conflicting bills. In December 2005, the House passed the Border Protection, Anti-terrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005, which was sponsored by Rep. James Sensenbrenner (R-WI). The act was limited to enforcement and focused on both the border and the interior. In the Senate, the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2006 (CIRA) was sponsored by Sen. Arlen Specter (R-PA) and passed in May 2006. CIRA would have given a path to eventual citizenship to a majority of undocumented immigrants already in the country as well as dramatically increased legal immigration. Although the bills passed their respective chambers, no compromise bill emerged.[9]
In 2007, the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007 was discussed in the Senate, which would have given a path to eventual citizenship to a large majority of illegal entrants in the country, significantly increased legal immigration and increased enforcement. The bill failed to pass a cloture vote, essentially killing it.[10]
Individual components of various reform packages have been separately introduced and pursued in the Congress. The DREAM Act is a bill initially introduced in 2001, incorporated in the various comprehensive reform bills, and then separately reintroduced in 2009 and 2010. The bill would provide legal residency and a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who graduate from U.S. high schools and attend college or join the military.
Immigrant visa limits set by Congress remain at 700,000 for the combined categories of employment, family preference, and family immediate. There are additional provisions for diversity and a small number of special visas. In 2008 immigration in these categories totaled slightly less than 750,000 and similar totals (representing maximums allowed by Congress) have been tallied in recent years.[11]
Naturalization numbers have ranged from about 500,000 to just over 1,000,000 per year since the early 1990s, with peak years in 1996 and 2008 each around 1,040,000. These numbers add up to more than the number of visas issued in those years because as many as 2.7 million of those who were granted amnesty by IRCA in 1986 have converted or will convert to citizenship.[12] In general, immigrants become eligible for citizenship after five years of residence. Many do not immediately apply, or do not pass the test on the first attempt. This means that the counts for visas and the counts for naturalization will always remain out of step, though in the long run the naturalizations add up to somewhat less than the visas.
These numbers are separate from illegal immigration, which peaked at probably over 1 million per year around the year 2000 and has probably declined to about 500,000 per year by 2009, which seems comparable or perhaps less than the outflow returning to their native countries.[13] Some of the legal immigrant categories may include former illegal immigrants who have come current on legal applications and passed background checks; these individuals are included in the count of legal visas, not as a separate or additional number.
For Mexico and the Philippines, the only categories of immigrant visa available in practice are those for immediate dependent family of U.S. citizens. Persons who applied since 1994 have not been in the categories for adult children and siblings, and trends show that these data are unlikely to change. In fact, the trend has recently been moving in the opposite direction. Immigrant work visas run about 6 to 8 years behind current.[clarification needed][citation needed] While the government does not publish data on the number of pending applications, the evidence is that the backlog in those categories dwarfs the yearly quotas.
Legal immigration visas should not be confused with temporary work permits. Permits for seasonal labor (about 285,000 in 2008) or students (about 917,000 in 2008)[14] generally do not permit conversion to immigrant status. Even those who are legally authorized to work temporarily in the United States (such as H1-B workers) must apply for permanent residence separately, and gain no advantage from their temporary employment authorization. This is unlike many other countries, whose laws provide for permanent residence after a certain number of years of legal employment. Temporary workers, therefore, do not form a distinctly counted source of immigration.[15]
Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S.744)[edit]
On April 17, 2013, the so-called "Gang of Eight" in the United States Senate introduced S.744, the long-awaited Senate version of the immigration reform bill proposed in Congress.[16] Text of the proposed legislation was promptly released on the website of Senator Charles Schumer. On June 27, 2013, the Senate passed the bill on 68-32 margin. The bill has not been taken up by the United States House of Representatives.[17]
Executive actions[edit]
On November 21, 2014, president Barack Obama signed two executive actions which had the effect of delaying deportation for millions of illegal immigrants. The orders apply to parents of United States citizens and young people brought into the country illegally.[18]
For continued executive action see Immigration policy of Donald Trump.
See also[edit]
Alien and Sedition Acts
Citizenship of the United States
Ellis Island
Eugenics in the United States
Family reunification
Guest Worker Program
History of immigration to the United States
Illegal immigration to the United States
Immigration and Naturalization Service
Immigration detention
Immigration reform in the United States
Immigration Restriction League
Judicial aspects of race in the United States
List of United States immigration laws
Literacy test
Racism in the United States
Republicans for Immigration Reform
United States nationality law
References[edit]
Jump up ^ The relevant enumerated power reads: "To establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization..."
Jump up ^ "Race, Nationality, and Reality: INS Administration of Racial Provisions in U.S. Immigration and Nationality Law Since 1898, Part 1". National Archives. Retrieved 2015-06-02.
Jump up ^ "Key Dates and Landmarks in United States Immigration History". Harvard University Library Open Collections Program. Retrieved 2015-06-04.
Jump up ^ Coulson, Doug (2015). "British Imperialism, the Indian Independence Movement, and the Racial Eligibility Provisions of the Naturalization Act: United States v. Thind Revisited". Georgetown Journal of Law & Modern Critical Race Perspectives. 7: 1–42. SSRN 2610266  .
Jump up ^ "Becoming an American: Immigration & Immigrant Policy" (PDF). U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform. September 1997. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "Reports to Congress". U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform. 1998-04-10. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "The Great Expulsion". Economist. February 8, 2013. Retrieved 2014-12-16.
Jump up ^ Kephart, Janice (September 2005). "Moving Beyond the 9/11 Staff Report on Terrorist Travel". Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ North, David. "Immigration History". Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ Gaouette, Nicole (June 29, 2007). "Senate buries immigration bill". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "How the United States Immigration System Works". Immigration Policy Center. March 1, 2014. Retrieved 2014-12-16.
Jump up ^ Lee, James; Rytina, Nancy (March 2009). "Naturalizations in the United States: 2008" (PDF). Department of Homeland Security Office of Immigration Statistics. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "Trends in Unauthorized Immigration: Undocumented Inflow Now Trails Legal Inflow" (PDF). Pew Hispanic Center. October 2, 2008. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ Monger, Randall; Barr, Macreadie (April 2009). "Nonimmigrant Admissions to the United States: 2008" (PDF). Department of Homeland Security Office of Immigration Statistics. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "Temporary (Nonimmigrant) Workers". U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. 2009-12-20. Retrieved 2013-11-08.
Jump up ^ "Bill text. Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act". Library of Congress. 2013-06-27. Retrieved 2014-12-01.
Jump up ^ "US Immigration Reform Issues since 2013". Migration as a travel business. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
Jump up ^ "Obama signs executive action delaying deportations for millions of illegal immigrants". Fox News. 21 November 2014. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
External links[edit]
History of Legislation from the U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Services:
Legislation from 1790 - 1900
Legislation from 1901 - 1940
Legislation from 1941 - 1960
Legislation from 1961 - 1980
Legislation from 1981 - 1996
How Democracy Works Now: Twelve Stories — Series page, a documentary film series that examines the American political system through the lens of immigration reform during 2001–2007
Bolger, Eilleen. Background History of the United States Naturalization Process, archive
Center for Immigration Studies. Historical Overview of Immigration Policy
Ellis Island and Immigration Regulation. U.S. immigration policy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
Immigration Policy Center. History of Immigration.
Smith, Marian. '"Any woman who is now or may hereafter be married . . ." Women and Naturalization, ca. 1802-1940'. Prologue, Summer 1998, vol. 30, no. 2.
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19th century
Naturalization Law 1802
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Scott Act (1888)
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1900–1949
Naturalization Act 1906
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Immigration Act of 1907
Immigration Act 1917 (Asian Barred Zone)
Emergency Quota Act (1921)
Cable Act (1922)
Immigration Act 1924
Tydings–McDuffie Act (1934)
Filipino Repatriation Act (1935)
Nationality Act of 1940
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Magnuson Act (1943)
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1950–1999
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American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act (ACWIA) (1998)
21st century
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Legal Immigration Family Equity Act (LIFE Act) (2000)
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Ellis Island
Sullivan's Island
Washington Avenue
Operations
"Wetback" (1954)
"Peter Pan" (1960–1962)
"Babylift" (1975)
"Gatekeeper" (1994)
"Endgame" (2003–2012)
"Front Line" (2004–2005)
"Streamline" (2005–present)
"Return to Sender" (2006–2007)
"Jump Start" (2006–2008)
"Phalanx" (2010–2016)
State legislation
California DREAM Act (2006–2010)
Arizona SB 1070 (2010)
Alabama HB 56 (2011)
Non-governmental
organizations
Arizona Border Recon
Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles
Coalition for Comprehensive Immigration Reform
National Immigration Forum
Center for Community Change
We Are America Alliance
CASA of Maryland
Mexica Movement
Mexicans Without Borders
Federation for American Immigration Reform
Minuteman Project
Minuteman Civil Defense Corps
California Coalition for Immigration Reform
Save Our State
Center for Immigration Studies
National Korean American Service & Education Consortium (NAKASEC)
NumbersUSA
Negative Population Growth
Migration Policy Institute
Utah Compact
Center for Migration Studies of New York
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_laws_concerning_immigration_and_naturalization_in_the_United_States&oldid=854089320"
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