text:
Life in the Fast Lane
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"Life in the Fast Lane"
Artwork for Spain release
Single by the Eagles
from the album Hotel California
B-side
"The Last Resort"
Released
May 3, 1977
Format
Vinyl record
Recorded
1976
Genre
Rock
Length
4:46
Label
Asylum
Songwriter(s)
Joe Walsh, Glenn Frey, Don Henley
Producer(s)
Bill Szymczyk
the Eagles singles chronology
"Hotel California"
(1977) "Life in the Fast Lane"
(1977) "Please Come Home for Christmas"
(1978)
"Hotel California"
(1977) "Life in the Fast Lane"
(1977) "Please Come Home for Christmas"
(1978)
"Life in the Fast Lane" is a song written by Joe Walsh, Glenn Frey and Don Henley and recorded by the American rock band the Eagles on their 1976 studio album Hotel California. It was the third single released from this album, and peaked at No. 11 on the Billboard Hot 100.
Contents
[hide]
1 Content
2 Critical reception
3 Personnel
4 Covers and references
5 Charts
6 References
7 External links
Content
It tells the story of a couple that takes their excessive lifestyle to the edge. On In the Studio with Redbeard, Glenn Frey revealed that the title came to him one day when he was riding on the freeway with a drug dealer known as "The Count".[1] Frey asked the dealer to slow down and the response was, "What do you mean? It's life in the fast lane!"[1] In that same interview, Frey indicated that the song's central riff was played by Walsh while the band was warming up in rehearsals and Walsh was told to "keep that; it's a song." Don Henley recalled that the "song actually sprang from the opening guitar riff. One day, at rehearsal, Joe [Walsh] just busted out that crazy riff and I said 'What the hell is that? We've got to figure out to make a song out of that."[1] Henley and Frey then primarily wrote the lyrics.[1]
Critical reception
In 2016, the editors of Rolling Stone rated "Life in the Fast Lane" as the Eagles' 8th greatest song.[1]
Personnel
Don Henley: Lead vocals, drums
Glenn Frey: Clavinet, backing vocals
Joe Walsh: Lead guitar, Rhythm guitar
Don Felder: Lead guitar, Rhythm guitar
Randy Meisner: Bass guitar, backing vocals
Covers and references
This article contains a list of miscellaneous information. Please relocate any relevant information into other sections or articles. (October 2017)
Garth Brooks for the 2013 "Classic Rock" album in the "Blame It All on My Roots: Five Decades of Influences" compilation.
Eagles guitarist Joe Walsh plays the song on his solo tours.
In 2007, Jill Johnson recorded the song on her album Music Row.[2]
The track "Livin' It Up" on Limp Bizkit's album Chocolate Starfish and the Hot Dog Flavored Water samples the phrase life in the fast lane throughout. Frey, Henley, and Walsh are credited in the "lyrics by" portion of the liner notes.
Rascal Flatts and Carrie Underwood sang the song at the 2007 Grammy Awards.
The song was used as the soundtrack for the roller coaster The Eagles' Life In The Fast Lane, opened at Hard Rock Park in May 2008.[3][4]
The country music group Williams Riley released their version of the song to country radio on August 23, 2010.
The super group Metal Allegiance released a version of the song with vocals by Alissa White-Gluz.
Charts
Chart (1977)
Peak
position
Canada Top Singles (RPM)[5] 12
Canada Adult Contemporary (RPM)[6] 41
US Billboard Hot 100[7] 11
References
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Eagles: The Ultimate Guide. Rolling Stone. 2016. p. 87.
Jump up ^ "Music Row" (in Swedish). Svensk mediedatabas. 2007. Retrieved 24 May 2011.
Jump up ^ Cherney, Mike (May 13, 2009). "Freestyle Music Park Fills Out Offerings". The Sun News. Archived from the original on August 16, 2013. Retrieved 2009-05-13.
Jump up ^ Jones, Steve (August 11, 2014). "Freestyle rides headed from Myrtle Beach to Vietnam?". myrtlebeachonline. Retrieved 2017-10-27.
Jump up ^ "Top RPM Singles: Issue 5238a." RPM. Library and Archives Canada.
Jump up ^ "Top RPM Adult Contemporary: Issue 5240." RPM. Library and Archives Canada.
Jump up ^ "Eagles Chart History (Hot 100)". Billboard.
External links
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
[hide]
v
t
e
Eagles
Glenn Frey
Don Henley
Bernie Leadon
Randy Meisner
Don Felder
Joe Walsh
Timothy B. Schmit
Deacon Frey
Vince Gill
Studio albums
Eagles
Desperado
On the Border
One of These Nights
Hotel California
The Long Run
Long Road Out of Eden
Live albums
Eagles Live
Hell Freezes Over
Farewell 1 Tour-Live from Melbourne
Compilation albums
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Eagles Greatest Hits, Vol. 2
The Very Best of the Eagles
Selected Works: 1972–1999
The Very Best Of
Eagles
Singles
"Take It Easy"
"Witchy Woman"
"Peaceful Easy Feeling"
"Tequila Sunrise"
"Outlaw Man"
"Already Gone"
"James Dean"
"Best of My Love"
"One of These Nights"
"Lyin' Eyes"
"Take It to the Limit"
"New Kid in Town"
"Hotel California"
"Life in the Fast Lane"
"Please Come Home for Christmas"
"Heartache Tonight"
"The Long Run"
"I Can't Tell You Why"
"Seven Bridges Road"
"Get Over It"
"Love Will Keep Us Alive"
"Hole in the World"
"How Long"
"Busy Being Fabulous"
Other songs
"Desperado"
"Ol' '55"
"The Last Resort"
"In the City"
Tours
Long Road Out of Eden Tour
History of the Eagles Tour
Related
Discography
Poco
Linda Ronstadt
Flying Burrito Brothers
Common Thread: The Songs of the Eagles
History of the Eagles
Heaven and Hell: My Life in the Eagles (1974–2001)
Book
Category
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Categories:
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Agriculture in Spain
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A tractor with a John Deere seed drill, La Rioja.
Agriculture in Spain is important to the national economy.
Contents
[hide]
1 Geography and agricultural conditions
2 Overview
2.1 Regional variation
3 History of agricultural development
4 Crops
5 Livestock
6 Forestry
7 Fishing
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
Geography and agricultural conditions[edit]
Main articles: Geography of Spain and Climate of Spain
Much of Spain's terrain is mountainous and unsuitable for agriculture, with agriculture concentrated on the plains.
Viewed in terms of land mass, Spain is one of the largest countries in Western Europe, and it ranks second in terms of its elevation, after Switzerland. A large part of the country is semiarid, with temperatures that range from extremely cold in the winter to scorching in the summer. Rainfall, which is often inadequate, tends to be concentrated in two generally brief periods during the year. Summer droughts occur frequently.
20.6 million of Spain's 50.5 million hectares of land, or about 40 percent, is suitable for cultivation. The soil is generally of poor quality, and about 10 percent of the land can be considered excellent. The roughness of the terrain has been an obstacle to agricultural mechanization and to other technological improvements. Furthermore, years of neglect have created a serious land erosion problem, most notably in the dry plains of Castilla-La Mancha.
Overview[edit]
Among the European Union countries, Spain has the second largest proportion of land devoted to agricultural purposes, only behind France.[1] In the 1980s, about 5 million hectares were devoted to permanent crops: orchards, olive groves, and vineyards. Another 5 million lay fallow each year because of inadequate rainfall. Permanent meadows and pastureland occupied 13.9 million hectares. Forests and scrub woodland accounted for 11.9 million hectares, and the balance was wasteland or was taken up by populated and industrial areas.
The primary forms of property holding in Spain have been large estates (latifundios) and tiny land plots (minifundios). In large measure, this was still true in the 1980s. The agrarian census of 1982 found that 50.9 percent of the country's farmland was held in properties of 200 or more hectares, although farms of this size made up only 1.1 percent of the country's 2.3 million farms. At the other end of the scale, the census showed that 61.8 percent of Spain's farms had fewer than 5 hectares of land. These farms accounted for 5.2 percent of the country's farmland.
Just under 25 percent of all farms consisted of less than 1 hectare of land, and they accounted for 0.5 percent of all farmland. Minifundios were particularly numerous in the north and the northwest. Latifundios were mainly concentrated in the south, in Castilla-La Mancha, Extremadura, Valencia, and Andalusia (Spanish: Andalucía).
Crop areas were farmed in two main manners. Areas relying on non-irrigated cultivation (secano), which made up 85 percent of the entire crop area, depended solely on rainfall as a source of water. They included the humid regions of the north and the northwest, as well as vast arid zones that had not been irrigated. The much more productive regions devoted to irrigated cultivation (regadio) accounted for 3 million hectares in 1986, and the government hoped that this area would eventually double, as it already had doubled since 1950. Particularly noteworthy was the development in Almeria — one of the most arid and desolate provinces of Spain — of winter crops of various fruits and vegetables for export to Europe.
Though only about 17 percent of Spain's cultivated land was irrigated, it was estimated to be the source of between 40 and 45 percent of the gross value of crop production and of 50 percent of the value of agricultural exports. More than half of the irrigated area was planted in corn, fruit trees, and vegetables. Other agricultural products that benefited from irrigation included grapes, cotton, sugar beets, potatoes, legumes, olive trees, mangos, strawberries, tomatoes, and fodder grasses. Depending on the nature of the crop, it was possible to harvest two successive crops in the same year on about 10 percent of the country's irrigated land.
Citrus fruits, vegetables, cereal grains, olive oil, and wine — Spain's traditional agricultural products — continued to be important in the 1980s. In 1983 they represented 12 percent, 12 percent, 8 percent, 6 percent, and 4 percent, respectively, of the country's agricultural production. Because of the changed diet of an increasingly affluent population, there was a notable increase in the consumption of livestock, poultry, and dairy products. Meat production for domestic consumption became the single most important agricultural activity, accounting for 30 percent of all farm-related production in 1983.
Increased attention to livestock was the reason that Spain became a net importer of grains. Ideal growing conditions, combined with proximity to important north European markets, made citrus fruits Spain's leading export. Fresh vegetables and fruits produced through intensive irrigation farming also became important export commodities, as did sunflower seed oil that was produced to compete with the more expensive olive oils in oversupply throughout the Mediterranean countries of the EC.
Regional variation[edit]
Greenhouses in El Ejido, Almería.
Because the interior of Spain is dominated by semiarid plateaus and mountains subject to temperature extremes, the most productive agricultural areas in the late 1980s tend to be the coastal regions. Thus the north and the northwest, where there is a relatively mild, humid climate were the principal cornproducing and cattle-raising areas. Apples and pears were the main orchard crops in this area, and potatoes were another of its leading products.
Galicia, which consists of Spain's four westernmost provinces directly north of Portugal, had a concentrated farm population living on intensely fragmented plots. Accordingly, per capita farm income was low, compared with that of the northern provinces lying to the east, where there were fewer people and higher per capita income levels because of a more diversified economy that included industry, mining, and tourism.
Catalonia, on the northeast coast, also has a climate that permits diversified agriculture. At the end of the 1980s, livestock particularly the expanding poultry industry was important in the area. Modern farming methods, including the use of tractors, were more advanced here than they were in the rest of the country. South of Catalonia, along the narrow Mediterranean coast, or Levante, was Spain's principal area of intensive, irrigated horticulture. Orange trees, orchard fruits, rice, and vegetables were produced in this region, and farther to the south, fig trees and nut trees were grown.
Andalusia, which includes all of tillable southern Spain, was another major agricultural area in the late 1980s. It was also the target of several agricultural planning programs. Although olive trees grow throughout the Mediterranean coastal region, as well as in parts of the Meseta Central (Central Plateau), they constituted the most important crop in Andalusia, particularly in the province of Jaén. Other warm-weather crops, such as cotton, tobacco, and sugarcane, were also produced in Andalusia, as were wine and table grapes.
The vast dry plateau region of central Spain contrasted sharply with the country's relatively productive areas. The production of agricultural commodities was particularly difficult in central Spain because of a lack of rainfall, a scarcity of trees and other vegetation, extremes of temperature, and harsh, rocky soil. Nevertheless, the farmers of the region grew wheat and other grains, raised sheep and goats, maintained vineyards, and carried on other agricultural activities.
An important irrigation system lies just northwest of the northern Meseta and south of the Pyrenees in the Ebro Basin, where Spain's best known vineyard district is located in the autonomous community of La Rioja. Because of its irrigation, corn, sugar beets, and orchard fruits were grown in this area, and the Ebro Delta was one of Spain's principal rice-growing regions.
In the Balearic Islands (Spanish: Islas Baleares), the uncertain, sparse rainfall and the lack of permanent fresh water streams were somewhat compensated for by good supplies of underground water. Irrigation permitted the production of a wide range of temperate and semitropical tree crops for export, as well as enough cereals, legumes, wines, and vegetables for local consumption. Sheep, goats, pigs, and poultry were also raised on the islands.
Agriculture in the Canary Islands (Spanish: Islas Canarias) was limited by water shortages and mountainous terrain. Nevertheless, a variety of vegetable and fruit crops were produced for local consumption, and there was a significant and exportable surplus of tomatoes and bananas.
History of agricultural development[edit]
Agricultural terraces in Banyalbufar.
Farming was only marginally affected by the Spanish Civil War, yet agricultural output during the 1940s remained below the 1933 level. This low agricultural productivity led to food rationing, substantially contributing to the great hardships endured by people residing in the cities. One of the main reasons for this dilemma was the government preoccupation with industrial self-sufficiency, which resulted in neglect for the modernization of agriculture. The government did encourage grain cultivation with the aim of achieving agricultural self-sufficiency, but heavy-handed efforts to control food prices led to the massive channeling of agricultural products into the black market.
The traditional shortcomings of Spanish agriculture — excessive land fragmentation (minifundismo) and extremely large land tracts in the hands of a few (latifundismo) — were, for all practical purposes, ignored. As in the past, latifundio areas with low yields and little irrigation were primarily devoted to the production of such traditional commodities as olive oil, grains, and wine. They were, moreover, the areas where casual rural laborers (braceros) were concentrated, where wage levels were lowest, and where illiteracy rates were highest.
A gradual change in Spanish agriculture began in the 1950s, when prices rapidly increased, and the surplus labor pool began to shrink, as a half million rural field hands migrated to the cities or went abroad in search of a better life. Nonetheless, more substantial changes did not take place prior to the 1960s. The Stabilization Plan of 1959 encouraged emigration from rural areas, and the economic boom in both Spain and Western Europe provided increased opportunities for employment. The subsequent loss of rural manpower had a far-reaching effect on both agricultural prices and wage levels and, as a consequence, on the composition of Spanish agriculture.
Spain's economic transformation in the 1960s and in the first half of the 1970s caused tremendous outmigration from rural areas. Between 1960 and 1973, 1.8 million people migrated to urban areas. Even later, between 1976 and 1985, when the economy was experiencing serious difficulties, the fall in farm employment averaged 4 percent per annum. The results of these migrations were reflected in the changing percentage of the population involved in farming. In 1960, 42 percent of the population was engaged in agricultural work. By 1986 about 15 percent was so employed — a marked reduction, though still twice as high as the European Community (EC) average.
As Spain became more industrialized, the declining share of agriculture in the economy was evidenced by its declining share of the GDP. Agriculture accounted for 23 percent of GDP in 1960; for 15 percent, in 1970; and for 5 percent, by 1986. In addition, the character of Spanish agriculture in the 1980s had changed. It had become less a way of life and more a way of making a living. Even subsistence agriculture, already in steady decline, had become increasingly market oriented.
The magnitude of the rural exodus permitted the government to undertake a program of parcel consolidation, that is, to bring together into single plots many tiny, scattered pieces of land that characterized the minifundio sector. The government managed to surpass its goal of consolidating 1 million hectares of small land holdings between 1964 and 1967; by 1981 it had brought together a total of 5 million hectares.
The decreased size of the rural work force affected Spanish agriculture because its traditionally labor-intensive practices required a large pool of cheap labor. The workers who remained in the countryside saw their wages advanced by 83.8 percent between 1960 and 1970 — a rate that roughly followed the wage increases in industry. At the same time increased agricultural labor costs led to the end of countless minifundios. The 1982 agrarian census recorded the disappearance of about one-half million small farms between 1962 and 1982.
The resulting lack of a ready labor supply was an incentive to mechanise, particularly for large landed estates. The number of farm tractors expanded more than tenfold between 1960 and 1983, from 52,000 to 593,000. The number of combine harvester-threshers increased almost tenfold over the same period, from 4,600 to 44,000. The process of mechanization caused agricultural productivity to grow by 3.5 percent per year between 1960 and 1978, and the productivity of farm workers grew even faster. Nonetheless, Spain's output per agricultural worker remained low. It was about half the EC average in 1985, and it surpassed only those of Greece and Portugal.
During the mid-1980s, Spanish agriculture was roughly self-sufficient in years when there were good harvests, and in nearly every year there were sizable surpluses of olive oil, citrus fruits, and wine that could be exported in quantities large enough to make it the EC's third-largest food supplier. In years of poor or average harvests, the country was obliged to import grains for use as animal fodder, but on the whole Spain was a net exporter of foodstuffs.
Spanish agriculture varied considerably with regard to regional differences in output. Some regions were distinguished by a highly inefficient variety of farming. Specialists estimated that areas dominated by minifundios would have to lose an estimated three-fourths of their farming population if they were to compete effectively with foreign producers. The variety of agriculture practiced along the Mediterranean coast or in the Rio Ebro Valley was, however, highly efficient and capable of keeping up with foreign competition.
Opinion was not united as to what EC membership would eventually mean for Spanish farmers. The EC's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which aimed at supporting most of each member state's farming sector, was expensive, and by the 1980s it was consuming well over half of the organization's revenues. If the CAP were continued, it would not be likely to have a considerable effect on Spanish agriculture, for a system of domestic price supports had long protected the weaker parts of the nation's farm sector. A change of EC policy that encouraged a single community-wide agricultural system might allow those parts of the Spanish agricultural sector that outperformed their rivals in the EC to prosper, while backward branches would probably disappear.
Crops[edit]
The "sea of plastic" - greenhouses covering 20,000 ha of the Campo de Dalías around El Ejido and Roquetas de Mar in southern Spain.
Spain has long been Western Europe's leading producer, and the world's foremost exporter, of oranges and mandarins. In the early 1960s, the production of these commodities averaged 1.8 million tons a year, and by the 1980s the annual yield averaged about 3 million tons. Grapefruit, lemons, and limes were also grown in quantity, but Spain was second to Italy among West European producers of these fruits. Spain's citrus groves, all under irrigation, were concentrated in Mediterranean coastal provinces, the Levante, primarily in a narrow coastal strip 500 kilometers in length extending from the province of Castellón to the province of Almería. Some citrus fruit production also was found in Andalusia.
Spain's other significant orchard crops were apples, bananas, pears, peaches, apricots, plums, cherries, figs, and nuts. Except for bananas, which were grown only in the Canary Islands, and figs, which were grown mostly in the Balearic Islands, orchard crops were produced primarily in the Levante and in Catalonia. The Catalan province of Lérida was the leading producer of apples and pears, and it ranked second to Murcia in the production of peaches. Almonds, grown along the southern and the eastern coasts, emerged as another important Spanish cash crop. Almost half of the 1985 crop was exported, approximately 70 to 75 percent of it to EC countries.
The principal vegetable crops were potatoes, tomatoes, onions, cabbages, peppers, and string beans. Spain was the leading producer of onions in Western Europe, and it was second only to Italy in the production of tomatoes. These crops were concentrated in Andalusia and in the intensively cultivated and largely irrigated Mediterranean coastal areas, where small garden plots known as huertas were common. The Canary Islands also produced a significant proportion of Spain's tomatoes. Potatoes were a prominent garden crop in the northwest.
Spain was the world's leading producer and exporter of olives and olive oil, although in some years Italy showed higher production levels because Spanish harvests were notably vulnerable to insects, frost, and storm damage. Andalusia, where about one-half of the olive groves were found, is generally free of these hazards, but olives were grown in virtually every province except the humid north and the northwest. In the 1980s, olive production fluctuated wildly, ranging from 1.2 million to 3.3 million tons per year. Olive oil production was also volatile. Spain's olive production is affected by European Community quotas, and past efforts to control overproduction have included the destruction of olive groves.
Sunflowers growing in Cendea de Cizur.
Though Spain boasted the world's largest area of land devoted to vineyards, much of the wine it produced was of mediocre quality. Vineyards were usually located on poor land, and good wine-making technology was often lacking. In the past, government-guaranteed prices for wine tended to encourage quantity rather than quality and alcoholic content, but programs were instituted in the 1980s to upgrade production, and surpluses of poor-quality white wine were more regularly distilled into industrial alcohol. Supported by the restructuring and reconversion program initiated by the government in 1984 and by an EC assistance program, Spain's vineyard acreage continued to decline, and it was expected to fall to 100,000 hectares by 1990. Spain's 1986 wine production was estimated at 36.7 million hectoliters.
Grains covered about 10 percent of Spain's cultivated lands, and about 10 percent of that area was irrigated. Wheat and barley were generally grown in the dry areas because corn tends to crowd such crops out of areas with more abundant rainfall or irrigation. Although most of the wheat was grown in dry upland areas, some of it also was grown on valuable irrigated land. Rice was dependent on plentiful water supplies and, accordingly, was produced in the irrigated areas of the Levante, in Andalusia, and at the mouth of the Rio Ebro. Spanish farmers also grew rye, oats, and sorghum.
During the mid-1980s, the grain crop usually hit record highs of about 20 million tons, compared to 13 million tons in 1983. This meant that Spain, long a grain-importing nation, now produced a surplus of cereals. Barley had come to account for about one-half of the grain harvest and corn for about one-sixth of it, as the government encouraged production of these crops in order to reduce imports of animal feed grains. Although the wheat crop was subject to wide fluctuations because of variable weather conditions, it generally provided about one-fourth of Spain's total grain production, which exceeded the country's needs. Rice and oats constituted the rest of the national total. Some rice and wheat were exported with the help of subsidies, and analysts expected the surplus of wheat and the deficit of corn to continue into the 1990s.
To make up for the shortage of domestic feed grains, Spain became one of the world's largest importers of soybeans, and it developed a modern oilseed-crushing industry of such high productivity that surplus soybean oil became one of Spain's most important agricultural export commodities. The government encouraged domestic production of soybeans to lessen the heavy dependence on soybean imports. To limit the impact of this production on the important, labor-intensive, olive oil industry, which provided work for many field hands in southern Spain, a domestic tax system was established that maintained a two-to-one olive oil-soybean oil price ratio. The revenues derived from this system subsidized large exports of surplus soybean oil. The United States, once the main source of soybean imports, lodged protests against this policy, both bilaterally and internationally, but with little effect as of 1988.
As a further step in reducing Spanish dependence on imported soybeans, the government encouraged sunflower production. Especially favorable growing conditions, coupled with generous government support, caused sunflower seed output to expand spectacularly, and the amount of land used for its cultivation went from virtually nothing in 1960 to approximately 1 million hectares in the 1980s. Sunflower-seed meal was not the most desirable livestock feed, and therefore was not used in this way, but by the 1980s most Spanish households used the cooking oil it provided because it was less expensive than olive oil.
About 8 percent of the cultivated land in Spain was devoted to legumes and to industrial crops. Edible legumes were grown in virtually every province; French beans and kidney beans predominated in the wetter regions; and chick peas (garbanzos) and lentils, in the arid regions. However, Spain was a net importer of legumes. Although consumption of these crops declined as the standard of living improved, domestic production also fell.
Sugar beets were Spain's most important industrial crop. Annual production in the mid-1980s averaged about 7 million tons. Cultivation was widely scattered, but the heaviest production was found in the Guadalquivir Basin, in the province of León, and around Valladolid. A small amount of sugarcane was grown in the Guadalquivir Basin. Sugar production, controlled to meet EC quotas, was usually sufficient to meet domestic needs.
Although small quantities of tobacco, cotton, flax, and hemp were also cultivated, they were not adequate to fulfill Spain's needs. But esparto grass, a native Mediterranean fiber used in making paper, rope, and basketry, grew abundantly in the southeastern part of the country.
Livestock[edit]
Cattle in Dozón, Galicia.
Spanish meat production in 1986 totalled 2,497,000 tons. The country's farmers produced 137,000 tons of lamb and mutton, 435,000 tons of beef and veal, 765,000 tons of poultry, and 1,160,000 tons of pork. With some fluctuations, these figures were representative of Spain's meat production during the 1980s. Spanish livestock industries had experienced significant growth and modernization since the 1950s, but their output remained well behind the levels of efficiency and productivity of European Community (EC) countries.
The EC states' generous subsidies and their experience in the use of expensive feed grains gave their livestock industries a decided competitive advantage. As the Spanish livestock sector was increasingly concentrated in northern Spain, where minifundio agriculture predominated, many Spanish cattleraising farms were too small fully to exploit the efficiencies of modern technology. Domestic meat production failed to meet demand, making Spain a net importer of farm animals and meat products.
Pork was Spain's most important meat product, and the number of pigs grew from 7.6 million in 1970 to 11.4 million in 1985. Pigs were raised unpenned in the central uplands, but they were generally pen-fed in the northern regions. At times African swine fever was a serious impediment to pork exports. Poultry raising had also expanded rapidly, and the number of chickens had doubled between 1970 and 1985, when it reached 54 million. The emphasis was on poultry production for meat rather than for eggs, because poultry, previously a minor item in the Spanish diet, had become much more popular. The most important areas for poultry raising were in the maize-growing provinces of the north and the northwest, but Catalonia, Valencia, and Andalusia were also important.
The principal cattle areas were in the north, the northwest, and, to a lesser degree, in Extremadura, Andalusia, the Rio Duero Basin, and the Murcia-Valencia lowlands. These regions provided the suitable pastures that were available only in areas with humid climates or with irrigated land. In 1986 Spain had 5 million cattle, including 1.9 million dairy cows. About 25 percent of the cattle were raised as oxen for draft purposes, and about 2 percent were bred for the bullring. The ranches of Extremadura and Andalusia specialized in raising animals of bullring quality.
The dairy industry had grown rapidly. Milk production from cows, sheep, and goats, which had stood at 5.4 million tons in 1974, reached 6.4 million tons in 1986 — well over double the production level of the early 1960s. The bulk of milk products came from Galicia, Asturias, and Santander. In 1982 the government launched a program designed to modernize milk production, to improve its quality, and to concentrate it in the northern provinces. The dairy industry was not seriously hurt by Spain's entry into the European Community, although the 3 percent quota reduction for each of the years 1987 and 1988 and the 5.5 percent voluntary cutback hampered development.
Spain's sheep population remained almost unchanged at about 17 million between 1970 and 1985. Sheep rearing predominated in central Spain and the Ebro Basin. Goats were kept in much the same area, but they were more prevalent in the higher, less grassy elevations because they can survive on poorer pasture. Merino sheep, the best known breed, were probably imported from North Africa, and they were well adapted to semiarid conditions. Merino sheep, noted for their fine wool, were widely used as stock for new breeds. Other prominent breeds were the churro and the manchegan. Although raised primarily for wool, milk, and cheese, Spanish farm animals, particularly sheep, were increasingly used to satisfy the country's meat consumption needs.
Forestry[edit]
Most of the natural forests of the Iberian Peninsula had long since disappeared because of erosion and uncontrolled harvesting for firewood, timber, or the creation of pastureland. In the 1980s, about 7 million hectares, or 14 percent of the land in Spain, could be considered usable forest, although another 3.5 million hectares of scrub growth were often included in forestland statistics.
A reforestation program had been under way in Spain since 1940. The aims of the program included meeting market demand for forest products, controlling erosion, and providing seasonal employment in rural areas. Eucalyptus trees, Lombardy poplars, and a variety of conifers were emphasized because of their fast growth.
Lumber output was approximately 12.3 million cubic meters in 1986, compared with 11.8 million cubic meters in 1985. Output could conceivably triple if 5.8 million hectares of the best forestland, which accounted for 50 percent of the total woodlands area, were properly developed and managed. Existing forestation programs were inadequate, however. For example, in the 1975-84 period, the balance between reforestation and the loss of forestland as a result of fires favored the latter by about 148,000 hectares. A report issued by the Forest Progress Association reported that, by the year 2000, Spain's wood deficit could reach between 8.5 and 16.9 million cubic meters.
The value of Spain's forest products in 1985 was US$302 million. Pine trees grown in the north and the northwest as well as oak and beech trees grown in the Pyrenees accounted for most of the total. Commercial forestry products produced in Spain included cork, turpentine, and resins.
Spain was the world's second largest producer of cork after Portugal. The best quality of cork, used for bottle stoppers, was grown in Catalonia. More plentiful lower grades, which went into linoleum, insulating materials, and other industrial products, came primarily from Andalusia and Extremadura. Cork production was declining, after reaching a high in the 1970s of 97,000 tons per year; only 46,000 tons were produced in 1985, as the widening use of plastics and other cork substitutes reduced demand.
Fishing[edit]
Fishing boats arriving at the port of L'Ametlla de Mar, Catalonia.
Spain was Western Europe's leading fishing nation, and it had the world's fourth largest fishing fleet. Spaniards ate more fish per capita than any other European people, except the Scandinavians. In the mid-1980s, Spain's fishing catch averaged about 1.3 million tons a year, and the fishing industry accounted for about 1 percent of GDP. Sardines, mussels, cephalopods, cod, mackerel, and tuna, most of which came from the Atlantic Ocean, were the principal components of the catch.
Fishing was particularly important in the economic life of Galicia, the principal fishing ports of which were Vigo and A Coruña on the northwest coast. Also important were Huelva, Cádiz, and Algeciras in the south, and Las Palmas de Gran Canaria and Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the Canary Islands.
In the mid-1980s, the fishing fleet numbered between 13,800 and 17,500 vessels, most of which were old and small. Deep-sea vessels numbered about 2,000. Spain's 100,000 fishermen made up one-third of all European Community manpower in the fishing sector, and a further 700,000 Spanish jobs depended on fishing. Prior to its admission into the EC, the undisciplined behavior of Spanish fishermen was a constant problem for the government and for other European countries. Spanish vessels were frequently charged with fishing violations in the Atlantic and the North Sea. Entry into the EC brought access to most of its waters, but it also meant catches would be sharply restricted until 1995.
See also[edit]
Spanish cuisine
Spanish economy
References[edit]
Jump up ^ http://www.ine.es/censoagrario/censoag_folleto.pdf
This article incorporates public domain material from the Library of Congress Country Studies website http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/.
External links[edit]
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Agriculture blog with updated information (in Spanish) (based in Spain)
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Offshore oil and gas in the United States
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Offshore oil and gas in the United States provides a large portion of the nation’s oil and gas supply. Large oil and gas reservoirs are found under the sea offshore from Louisiana, Texas, California, and Alaska. Environmental concerns have prevented or restricted offshore drilling in some areas, and the issue has been hotly debated at the local and national levels.
Contents
1 Production
2 Ownership of offshore oil and gas
2.1 State ownership
2.2 Federal ownership
2.3 International ownership
3 Offshore drilling by area
3.1 Alaska
3.2 California
3.3 Gulf of Mexico
3.4 East Coast
3.5 Pacific Northwest Coast
3.6 Great Lakes
4 Restrictions on offshore drilling
4.1 State restrictions
4.2 Federal restrictions
5 Other mineral resources
6 References
7 See also
8 External links
Production[edit]
Federal leases in green; areas proposed open for leasing 2007-2012 in grey (Minerals Management Service)
From 1954 to 2007, federal offshore tracts produced 16.8 billion barrels (2.7×109 m3) of oil and 173 trillion cubic feet (4.9×1012 m3) of natural gas.
In 2007, federal offshore tracts produced 27% of the oil and 14% of the natural gas in the United States. Three of the top ten oil fields in the United States in terms of the proven remaining reserves were offshore in the Gulf of Mexico in 2007 (Mars-Ursa, Thunder Horse, and Atlantis).[1] The oil production in the offshore area owned by the federal government reached 492 million barrels (78,000,000 m3) in 2007, down from the record of 602 million barrels (95,700,000 m3) produced in 2002. 2.86 TCF of offshore gas produced in 2007 was down from the high of 5.25 TCF produced in 1996.[2]
Ownership of offshore oil and gas[edit]
The issue of state versus federal ownership has a long and contentious history (see Tidelands). The US Supreme Court ruled in 1947 that the federal government owned all the seabed off the California coast; the court applied the same doctrine against Louisiana and Texas in 1950. The court ruling invalidated existing state leases over producing offshore oil fields in the three states. However, the US Congress passed the Submerged Land Act in 1953, which recognized state ownership of the seabed within 3 nautical miles (6 km) of the shore.[3] That same year Congress also passed the Outer Continental Shelf Act, which gave the federal government jurisdiction over minerals on and under the seabed farther offshore from state waters.
The first federal offshore lease sale was held in 1954, to offer oil production rights under federal seabed in offshore Louisiana.
State ownership[edit]
Diagram showing limits of state and federal ownership of the sea bed (Minerals Management Service)
Each coastal state owns the territory extending 3 nautical miles (6 km) from the shore at mean low tide, and has jurisdiction to decide whether or not, and under what terms, to lease the territory for oil and gas. Exceptions include Texas and the west coast of Florida, which for historical reasons own the seabed out to 9 nautical miles (17 km) from the shore. Louisiana is included in the 3 nautical mile rule, but because it had active offshore leases defined before 1950 (and before most other states), its territory is measured using the Admiralty Nautical Mile, while other states use the International Nautical Mile, adopted by the United States in 1954.
The exact definition of the shoreline, dividing state waters offshore and potential private land onshore, depends on state law. Shifting shorelines in the vicinity of oil fields have been a thorny issue. In the Goose Creek field along the coast in Harris County, Texas, so much oil was produced that the ground elevation sank ten or more feet, putting some privately owned oil-producing lands below sea level. The state of Texas then declared that the newly submerged land, along with its oil revenue, was state property.
Federal ownership[edit]
Traditionally, nations owned the territory extending 12 nautical miles (22 km) from shore. In 1945, President Harry Truman issued a proclamation extending US jurisdiction over mineral resources to the edge of the continental shelf; the proclamation was codified by Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act of 1953. The Geneva Convention on the continental shelf in 1958 recognized the right of each nation to the mineral resources on its adjacent continental shelf, out to a water depth of 200 m. In 1983, President Ronald Reagan issued a proclamation extending the US Exclusive Economic Zone to 200 nautical miles (370 km) from the shore.[4]
By virtue of the Law of the Sea, which the US has signed but not ratified, each nation controls an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) that extends 200 nautical miles (370 km) from its shore. The EEZ confers exclusive rights to a nation to explore and produce minerals, including oil and gas. In areas within 200 nautical miles of two or more nations, the territorial line is drawn equidistant from the shores of the two nations. The US and Canada referred a dispute over the EEZ boundary in the Atlantic Ocean to the International Court of Justice, which decided the matter (see Georges Bank). Article 76 of the Law of the Sea provides that nations may under certain circumstances extend their EEZs beyond the 200 nautical mile limit, to up to 350 nautical miles (650 km) from shore.
The 200 nautical mile EEZ left a small area in the western Gulf of Mexico enclosed by the EEZs of the United States and Mexico, but outside the EEZ of either nation (the "doughnut hole"). The US and Mexico concluded a treaty to divide the area between them. A second, and as yet unresolved "doughnut hole" exists in the eastern Gulf of Mexico, bordered by the EEZs of the US, Mexico, and Cuba.
Leasing and drilling on federal offshore seabed is controlled by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), and the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE), formerly named the Minerals Management Service (MMS). The BOEM issues leases through competitive bidding by sealed bids. The oil and gas company offering the highest up-front payment to the government (called a bonus) wins the lease. The government also receives a fixed annual rental based on the area for non-producing leases, and a percentage of the market value of any oil or gas produced and sold (royalty). The leases expire after a set number of years, or continue however long afterward that oil and gas are continually produced from the lease. Individual tracts are generally 9 square miles (23 km2). Current leases being offered in the Gulf of Mexico have 5-year terms for tracts in water depths of less than 400 m, and 8 years for tracts in water greater than 400 m. Royalty rates are 18.75% regardless of water depth.[5] From 1954 through 2004, the federal government received $64 billion in bonuses, $3 billion in rentals, $89 billion in royalties, and $3 billion in taken-in-kind oil deliveries in lieu of royalties.[6]
International ownership[edit]
Some potential petroleum deposits underlie areas outside the EEZ. For example, the North Chuckchi Basin in the Arctic Ocean is partly inside and partly outside the US EEZ.
Offshore drilling by area[edit]
Historically, offshore drilling began by extending known coastal oil- and gas-producing trends out into the ocean. For this reason, most US offshore drilling has taken place offshore Louisiana, Texas, California, and Alaska, areas with coastal onshore oil and gas fields.
"Possibly in some future age, when all known petroleum fields shall have been drained of their richness, oil men may seek refuge in King Neptune's realm."
- Oil & Gas Journal, 24 June 1915[7]
Alaska[edit]
The first federal lease sale offshore Alaska was held in 1976. Alaska produces oil and gas from offshore areas in the Cook Inlet and the Arctic Ocean.[8] Endicott Island is an artificial island built to produce oil from beneath the Beaufort Sea. There are currently four artificial islands being used for drilling.
By Executive Order dated April 28, 2017, the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management will begin selling offshore leases in 2019.[9]
California[edit]
See Offshore oil and gas in California
Offshore drilling began in California in 1896, when operators in the Summerland Oil Field in Santa Barbara County followed the field into the ocean by drilling from piers built out over the ocean.
Leasing California state seabed is controlled by the State Lands Commission, which halted further leasing of state offshore tracts after the Santa Barbara oil spill in 1969.[10] In 1994 the California legislature codified the ban on new leases by passing the California Coastal Sanctuary Act, which prohibited new leasing of state offshore tracts. The federal government has had no new lease sales for offshore California since 1982. Offshore drilling has continued from existing platforms in state and federal waters.
State offshore seabed in California produced 37,400 barrels (5,950 m3) of oil per day, and federal offshore tracts produced 66,400 barrels (10,560 m3) of oil per day in November 2008. State and federal offshore tracts together made up 16% of the state's oil production.[11] Notable offshore fields include the Ellwood Oil Field, which is partially onshore and partially offshore, and the Dos Cuadras Field, source of the 1969 spill, which is entirely within the federal zone.
Gulf of Mexico[edit]
See Offshore oil and gas in the US Gulf of Mexico
This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (June 2016)
The western and central Gulf of Mexico, which includes offshore Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, is one of the major petroleum-producing areas of the United States. In 2007, federal leases in the western and central Gulf of Mexico produced 25% of the nation's oil and 14% of the nation's natural gas.[12] In 2008, federal leases in the Gulf of Mexico produced 418 million barrels (66,500,000 m3) of oil, down from 568 million barrels (90,300,000 m3) in 2002; however, due to new deep-water discoveries, the MMS projects that oil production from the Gulf of Mexico will increase to 686 million barrels (109,100,000 m3) per year by 2013.[13]
Major fields include Atlantis Oil Field, and the Tiber oilfield (discovered 2009) and others in the Keathley Canyon protraction area. Notable oil platforms include Baldpate, Bullwinkle, Mad Dog, Magnolia, Mars, Petronius, and Thunder Horse. Notable individual wells include Jack 2 and Knotty Head.
The eastern Gulf of Mexico, which includes offshore Gulf Coast Florida, has never been a petroleum-producing area due to federal and state restrictions on exploration. Offshore platforms currently exist as far east as to near the Florida-Alabama border.
East Coast[edit]
See Offshore drilling on the US Atlantic coast
In the late 1970s and early 1980s oil companies drilled 51 exploratory wells on federal leases on the outer continental shelf of the Atlantic coast. All the leases have now reverted to the government. A 1996 study by the MMS estimated undiscovered conventionally recoverable resources in Atlantic federal waters to be 7.2 billion barrels (1.1×109 m3) of oil and 27.5 trillion cubic feet (7.8×1011 m3) gas.[14]
Pacific Northwest Coast[edit]
The Sunshine Mining Co. made Washington state’s first oil discovery in July 1957, at a location 1.4 miles south down the coast from Ocean City. The discovery was on a state lease, and was below mean high tide, which made it an offshore well.[15] Additional wells were drilled in the area, but none produced any oil.[16] The discovery well made 11,032 barrels of oil before it was plugged in 1959.[17]
In 1964, the federal government leased tracts totaling 581,000 acres (2,400 km2) in offshore Oregon and Washington. Oil companies drilled six tests offshore Washington (three in state waters and three in federal waters) and seven tests in federal waters offshore Oregon. The OCS P-0130 well drilled offshore Oregon by Union Oil in 1966 was described as having "potential for commercial gas production",[18] but none of the wells were completed as producers, and the federal leases expired in 1969.[19][20]
Farther north, in Canadian waters, Shell Canada drilled 14 wells offshore from Vancouver Island from 1967-1969. None were successful. Canada has had a federal moratorium on offshore drilling on its west coast since 1972.[21]
Great Lakes[edit]
The lakebeds under the US portion of the Great Lakes are owned by the adjacent states. The only state that has allowed oil and gas drilling beneath the Great Lakes in recent years has been Michigan, and that only by directional drilling from onshore surface locations. All oil and gas drilling, either on or directionally beneath the Great Lakes, has been banned by federal law since 2002.
The Canadian side of Lake Erie has 480 producing gas wells in the lake. Gas production in Canadian Lake Erie waters dates back to 1913; more than 2000 wells have been drilled to the Clinton Sand, up to a few miles from the US side of the lake; the same formation produces gas from many onshore wells on the US side, but there are no wells in the US portion of the lake.[22] The province of Ontario, where the offshore wells are located, allows gas wells, but not oil wells, in offshore Lake Erie.[23][24][25] Ontario allows oil production from below the lake only from wells drilled directionally from onshore surface locations; a number of such directional wells are producing oil from beneath Lake Erie in the Goldsmith/Lakeshore Field.[26]
A gas well to the Medina Group was drilled in 1958 in Pennsylvania state waters in Lake Erie.[27]
The only state that has current oil and gas production from beneath the Great Lakes is Michigan. Michigan has 13 oil and gas wells that produce from below Lake Michigan, all drilled directionally from surface locations on shore. Directional drilling beneath the Great Lakes is now banned.[28]
The US Geological Survey has estimated that 430 million barrels (68,000,000 m3) of recoverable petroleum liquids and 5.2 trillion cubic feet (1.5×1011 m3) of recoverable natural gas underlie the US portion of the Great Lakes. Petroleum potential was given to all of the lakes except Lake Superior. The majority of the natural gas (3.0 TCF) is thought to underlie Lake Erie.[29]
Restrictions on offshore drilling[edit]
See US offshore drilling debate
State restrictions[edit]
A number of states, including California and Florida, have banned leasing of state waters for oil and gas drilling. In 2009 a bill that would have partially rescinded a ban on oil and gas leasing of Florida state waters failed in the Florida statehouse (see Offshore oil and gas in Florida).
In 2018, New Jersey enacted a law to ban oil and gas drilling in state waters and prohibit any constructions of oil and gas drilling infrastructure and facilities including pipelines and docks in New Jersey and its waters. This is an effort to cut off infrastructure to make it harder to drill in federal waters.[30] New York, California, South Carolina and Rhode Island introduced similar bills in their states.[31]
Federal restrictions[edit]
Areas withdrawn from oil and gas leasing as of 2007
Congress passed the Marine Protection, Research and Sanctuaries Act in 1972, which provided for the establishment of National Marine Sanctuaries, in which certain activities, including oil and gas drilling, are prohibited. To date, 13 sanctuaries with a combined area of 150,000 square miles (390,000 km2) have been so designated.
In 1982, the US Congress directed that no federal funds be used to lease federal tracts off the coasts of Washington, Oregon, or central and northern California. Over the years Congress added other areas until the prohibited area included all the east and west coasts, and the eastern Gulf of Mexico. Congress repeated the effective ban on offshore drilling in these areas every year until September 2008, when an appropriations bill passed the House and Senate without the ban.
In 1990, Congress passed the North Carolina Outer Banks Protection Act, prohibiting leasing and drilling on federal seabed offshore from North Carolina.
In 1990, President George H. W. Bush issued an executive moratorium restricting federal offshore leasing to Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and parts of Alaska. The moratorium banned federal leasing through the year 2000 off the East Coast, West Coast, the eastern Gulf of Mexico (offshore Florida Gulf Coast), and the Northern Aleutian Basin of Alaska. In 1998, President Bill Clinton extended the moratorium through 2012. In July 2008, President George W. Bush rescinded the executive order.
In 2002, Congress imposed a moratorium on drilling on or directionally beneath the Great Lakes. The ban was made permanent by the Energy Policy Act of 2005.[32]
Part of the central and most of the eastern Gulf of Mexico was declared off-limits to oil and gas leasing until 2022 by the Gulf of Mexico Energy Security Act of 2006.[33]
Other mineral resources[edit]
Offshore areas of the US may contain resources of sulfur, salt, sand and gravel, phosphate rock, manganese nodules, and heavy-mineral placer deposits. To date, none of these has been produced for commercial purposes except sulfur and salt in the Gulf of Mexico, and gold in Alaskan state waters near Nome. The MMS has allowed sand dredging in federal waters to restore damaged beaches in Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and Florida.[34] Formerly, very large gold dredges existed for many years, mining off of Nome, Alaska. The state lease auctions for up to the three mile limit are still held infrequently.
From 1960 to 2000, sulfur was mined by the Frasch process from the caprock of a salt dome at the Main Pass 299 mine, offshore Louisiana.[35] A total of 34 million short tons of sulfur were recovered before the mine was closed; salt was also recovered.[36]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ US Energy Information Administration, U.S. Crude Oil, Natural Gas, and Natural Gas Liquids 2007 Annual Report Archived 2009-05-15 at the Wayback Machine., p.B-3, PDF file, downloaded 1 June 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service: Federal OCS oil & gas production, PDF file, retrieved 10 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Edgar Wesley Owen (1975) Trek of the Oil Finders, American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Memoir 6, p.801.
Jump up ^ D. James Baker (1987) “The Exclusive Economic Zone - resources for the future,” in Proceedings of the 1987 Exclusive Economic Zone Symposium on mapping and research: planning for the next 10 years, US Geological Survey, Circular 1018, p.7-9.
Jump up ^ Federal Register, 13 February 2008, v.73, n.30, p.8349-8350.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service: Leasing oil and natural gas resources, outer continental shelf, p.37-38 Archived 2009-02-05 at the Wayback Machine., PDF file, retrieved 13 March 2009.
Jump up ^ "Oil prospects in deep seas," Oil & Gas Journal, 24 June 1915, p.3.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service: Exploratory drilling by sale area, accessed 13 February 2009.
Jump up ^ "Presidential Executive Order Implementing an America-First Offshore Energy Strategy". White House. April 28, 2017. Retrieved Aug 18, 2017.
Jump up ^ California State Lands Commission: Chiand issues statement on new Tranquillon Ridge offshore oil development, PDF file, retrieved 19 February 2009.
Jump up ^ California Department of Conservation: Monthly oil and gas production and injection report, November 2008, PDF file, downloaded 17 February 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service, May 2009, Deepwater Gulf of Mexico 2009: Interim Report of 2008 highlights, OCS Report MMS-2009-016, PDF file, p.51, downloaded 3 July 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service, May 2009, Gulf of Mexico Oil and Gas Production Forecast: 2009-2018, OCS Report MMS 2009-012, PDF file, p.21, downloaded 3 July 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service (1996) An Assessment of the Undiscovered Hydrocarbon Potential of the Nation's Outer Continental Shelf, PDF file, retrieved 19 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Frank J. Gardner, “Washington – new oil-producing state,” Oil & Gas Journal, 2 Sept, 1957, v.55 n.35 p.215.
Jump up ^ H. L. Popenoe, “Developments in West Coast area in 1957,” Bulletin of the American Association of Petroleum Geologists, June 1958, v.42 n.6 p.1394.
Jump up ^ Richard W. Vivian, “Washington oil and gas development 1959,” in, International Oil and Gas Development, Review of 1959, part 1 (Austin, Tex.: International Oil Scouts Assoc., 1960) 670.
Jump up ^ Vernon C. Newton Jr., (1980) Prospects for Oil and gas in the Coos Basin, Western Coos, Douglas, and Lane Counties, Oregon, Oregon Dept. of Geology and Mineral Industries, Oil and gas Investigation 6, p.58.
Jump up ^ Dana B. Braislin and others (1971) “Petroleum potential of Western Oregon and Washington and Adjacent continental margin,” in Future Petroleum Provinces of the United States - Their Geology and Potential, American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Memoir 15, v.1, p.230.
Jump up ^ P.D. Snavely Jr., J.E. Pearl, and D.L. Lander (1977) Interim Report on Petroleum Resources Potential and Geologic Hazards in the Outer Continental Shelf - Oregon and Washington Tertiary Province, US Geological Survey, Open-File Report 77-282.
Jump up ^ British Columbia Ministry of Energy, Mines, and Petroleum Resources, A chronology of activity, accessed 8 June 2009.
Jump up ^ Michael J. Clifford, (1975) Preliminary Report on Potential Hydrocarbon Reserves Underlying the Ohio Portion of lake Erie, Ohio Division of Geological Survey, Geological Note No. 1.
Jump up ^ Jerry Zremski, "U.S. and Canada split over Lake Erie drilling," Buffalo News, 28 July 2008, accessed 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Kathy Shirley, "What's (not) happening is Erie," AAPG Explorer, September 2001, accessed 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources: Crude oil and natural gas resources, accessed 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Susan Eaton, "Canadians eye the prolific Trenton," AAPG Explorer, Feb. 2004.
Jump up ^ US Geological Survey, The Areal Extent of Continuous Type Gas Accumulations in Lower Silurian Clinton Sands and Medina Group Sandstones of the Appalachian Basin and the Environments Affected by their Development
Jump up ^ Charlie Cain and Jeremy Pearce, "Thirst for energy taps Great Lakes," Detroit News, 18 November 2001, accessed 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ US Geological Survey: Undiscovered oil and gas resources underlying the U.S. portions of the Great Lakes, 2005, Microsoft Word file, downloaded 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Johnson, Brent (20 April 2018). "Murphy bans oil drilling off N.J. shore (and tries to stop Trump)". NJ Advance Media. Retrieved 21 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Parry, Wayne (19 March 2018). "States fight Trump drill plan with local bans". Associated Press. Retrieved 21 April 2018.
Jump up ^ US Army Corps of Engineers: Known and potential environmental effects of oil and gas drilling activity in the Great Lakes, p.1, PDF file, downloaded 12 February 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service: Moratoria, accessed 10 February 2009.
Jump up ^ Proposed Program Outer Continental Shelf Oil and Gas Leasing Program 2007-2012 (2006) Minerals Management Service, p.100.
Jump up ^ John Pernetta (2004) Guide to the Oceans, Firefly Books, ISBN 1-55297-942-3, ISBN 978-1-55297-942-6, p.179, accessed 20 February 2009.
Jump up ^ US Minerals Management Service: Federal offshore sulfur royalties, PDF file, retrieved 20 February 2009.
See also[edit]
Off shore oil drilling
Oil platform
US offshore drilling debate
External links[edit]
Map of wells drilled in federal waters, Gulf of Mexico
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Offshore_oil_and_gas_in_the_United_States&oldid=837777391"
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Strickland (surname)
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Strickland Coat of Arms
The English surname Strickland is derived from the place-name Stercaland, of Old Norse origins, which is found in Westmorland to the south of Penrith. It has been used as a family name at least since the late 12th century, when Walter of Castlecarrock married Christian of Leteham, an heiress to the landed estate that covered the area where the villages of Great Strickland and Little Strickland are now. After this marriage Walter became known as Walter of Strickland, spelt in various ways.[1][2]
The coat of arms of the Strickland family of Gilsland is Sable three escalopes argent, meaning "three silver scallops on a black field".[citation needed]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Queen Katherine
2.1 "Strike-land" myth
3 List of persons with the surname Strickland
4 See also
5 References
History[edit]
Battle of Agincourt
The family of Castlecarrock was descended from the Norman family of Vaux, called in Latin Vallibus, which came originally from Falaise in Normandy. Hubert de Vaux became the first Norman lord of Gilsland in Cumberland (now part of Cumbria), an estate around Brampton and Castle Carrock. Hubert's son Eustace married one of the two sisters who were the co-heiresses of Robert son of Bueth, the last direct male descendant of a native chieftain, Gilles son of Bueth. Robert was the owner of Gilsland in the time of King Henry I.
Sir William de Strickland (1242–1305) married Elizabeth d'Eyncourt, who was descended on her mother's side from the Clan Dunbar, cadets of the Scottish kings, and from Uchtred, Earldorman of Northumberland and his third wife Aelfgifu, a daughter of Ethelred the Unready. It was by this marriage that Sizergh Castle became the Strickland family seat.
The name of Strickland first came to notice at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415, when Thomas Strickland Esquire carried the Flag of St. George, dismounted, as he was still a knight in training. He had brought with him men-at-arms from his estate at Great Strickland in Westmorland and other troops from Kendal (the Kendal Bowmen).
The family fought against the Scots during their incursions into the English Marches, and Sir Walter Strickland also fought for the House of York during the Wars of the Roses. The family was a major landowner in Westmorland and Lancashire, and the name appears linked to local landmarks (Strickland Wood, Warton near Carnforth for example).
The family at Sizergh remained Roman Catholics after the Reformation. As the family grew, various branches appeared, one of which married into the Constable family of Yorkshire, another branch settled early on in Hertfordshire. With migration to the colonies and the growth of the British Empire, the name of Strickland has spread world wide.
The Kendal Parish Church (Holy Trinity) has a Strickland family chapel[3] and both Kendal and Penrith have main roads called Stricklandgate (The 'gate' element is derived from the Old Norse 'gata', meaning street).
A settlement first appeared on the west side of present day Kendal not long after the 1066 Norman Invasion when a Motte and Bailey fortification was built, this became known as Kirkbie Strickland (Kirkbie meaning church).
There are different spellings, but the family name Stickland is not connected, being Saxon and originating from Dorset.[4]
Queen Katherine[edit]
Katherine Parr who married King Henry VIII was descended from the Strickland family via her ancestors Catherine de Strickland and Elizabeth Ros.[5]
"Strike-land" myth[edit]
The poet and historical writer Agnes Strickland (1796-1874) claimed that in 1066 a knight with William the Conqueror's invasion fleet was the first Norman to come ashore in England and struck his sword into the beach, thus gaining the name of "Strikeland", but no evidence supports this claim and it is considered fanciful.
List of persons with the surname Strickland[edit]
Agnes Strickland, British writer
Amzie Strickland, American TV and radio actress
Audra Strickland, American politician
Bill Strickland, American community leader (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania)
Catharine Parr Traill, born Catharine Strickland, early emigrant from England to Canada
Charles H. Strickland, Church of the Nazarene minister
Charles Strickland, Irish land agent and town planner
David Strickland, American actor
Donald Strickland, American football cornerback
Earl Strickland, American pool player
Erick Strickland, American basketball player
Gail Strickland, American film/television actress
Gerald Strickland, 1st Baron Strickland (24 May 1861 – 22 August 1940) Prime Minister of Malta, Governor of the Leeward Islands, Governor of Tasmania, Governor of Western Australia and Governor of New South Wales.
Sir George Strickland, 7th Baronet (1782–1874), also known as Sir George Cholmley,an English Member of Parliament and lawyer
Hugh Edwin Strickland (1811–1853), British naturalist
Hunter Strickland, American baseball player
Jim Strickland (disambiguation), several people
John Estmond Strickland (Hong Kong), UK-born former Chairman of The Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation
Josh Strickland, American singer/actor
KaDee Strickland, American actress
Keith Strickland, American musician
Mabel Strickland, Anglo-Maltese journalist and politician
Margaret Strickland, writer
Mark Strickland, American basketball player
Michael Strickland (disambiguation), several people
Peter Strickland (British Army officer)
Randolph Strickland, American politician
Robert Strickland fought at the Battle of Edgehill for the Royalist side
Rod Strickland, basketball player
Roy C. Strickland, American politician/businessman
Shirley Strickland, Australian athlete
Stephanie Strickland, poet
Susanna Moodie (Strickland), UK-born Canadian author
Ted Strickland, American politician
Terry A.D. Strickland, fugitive
Tom Strickland, American politician
Thomas Strickland (cavalier), fought at the Battle of Edgehill for the Royalist side
Walter Strickland English politician and diplomat who held high office during the Protectorate
William Strickland (disambiguation), several people
See also[edit]
Strickland (disambiguation)
Strickland-Constable baronets
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "STRICKLAND". Tudorplace.
Jump up ^ "Surname Database: Strickland Last Name Origin". The Internet Surname Database.
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2008-05-13. Retrieved 2008-09-18.
Jump up ^ "Surname Database: Stickland Last NameOrigin". The Internet Surname Database.
Jump up ^ "PARR of Kendal".
This page lists people with the surname Strickland. If an internal link intending to refer to a specific person led you to this page, you may wish to change that link by adding the person's given name(s) to the link.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Strickland_(surname)&oldid=828271450"
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Coat of Arms

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/wiki/Brampton,_Carlisle,_Cumbria
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Brampton, Carlisle, Cumbria

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/wiki/Ethelred_the_Unready
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Ethelred the Unready

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/wiki/Roman_Catholic_Church
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Roman Catholic Church

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/wiki/Motte_and_Bailey
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Motte and Bailey

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/wiki/Stickland_(Surname)
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Stickland (Surname)

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/wiki/Katherine_Parr
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Katherine Parr

values: Edit section: List of persons with the surname Strickland

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/wiki/Charles_Strickland_(Town_Planner)
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Charles Strickland (Town Planner)

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/wiki/Jim_Strickland_(disambiguation)
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Jim Strickland (disambiguation)

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Strickland (disambiguation)

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