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City chicken
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A package of all pork city chicken, found in Pittsburgh, PA.
City chicken is an entrée consisting of cubes of meat, which have been placed on a wooden skewer (approximately 4–5 inches long), then fried and/or baked. Depending on the recipe, they may be breaded.[1] Despite the name of the dish, city chicken almost never contains chicken.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Distribution
3 Variations
4 See also
5 References
6 Sources
History[edit]
A similar dish once known as "mock chicken" was described as early as 1908.[2] The first references to city chicken appeared in newspapers and cookbooks just prior to and during the Depression Era in cities such as Pittsburgh.[1][3][4] City chicken typically has cooks using meat scraps to fashion a makeshift drumstick from them. It was a working-class food item. During the Depression, cooks used pork or in some cases veal because it was then cheaper than chicken in many parts of the country, especially in those markets far from rural poultry farms. Sometimes cooks would grind the meat and use a drumstick-shaped mold to form the ground meat around a skewer.
Distribution[edit]
The dish is popular in cities throughout the eastern Great Lakes region of Ohio and Michigan as well as the northeastern Appalachian regions of Pennsylvania and Upstate New York, and at least as far south and west as Louisville, Kentucky. City chicken is commonly found in the metropolitan areas of Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Erie, Pittsburgh, and Scranton, hence, the dish's "urban" title. In Canada, the deli-counter version is popular in the Ottawa Valley and Kitchener area.
Variations[edit]
While preparations regionally vary, pork is typically the base meat used in most versions of the recipe. Pittsburgh-area City Chicken is almost always breaded and usually baked, while in Binghamton NY, the meat is marinated, battered and then deep fried.[5][6] The Cleveland version is generally baked without breading and instead the meat is dredged in flour, browned in a pan, then finished in the oven, and served with gravy.[7] Grocery stores in both the Greater Cleveland area as well as those in the Pittsburgh metro area include wooden skewers with pork cubes specifically packaged as city chicken. In Ottawa, Canada, at least one variation involves skewers of three kinds of meat: pork, veal, and beef.[8] Another Canadian variation, from Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, was composed entirely of veal.[9]
See also[edit]
Chicken fried steak
Spiedie
Souvlaki
Kebab
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "Something different, Something delicious: City Chicken", Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, p. 4, 2 November 1932, retrieved 21 June 2011
Jump up ^ "Fried Mock Chicken", Winchester News (Winchester, Kentucky), p. 7, Col. 3, 1 December 1908, retrieved 21 June 2011
Jump up ^ Morton, Mary (27 November 1926), "Household Hints", Washington Reporter (Washington, Pennsylvania), p. 13, retrieved 21 June 2011
Jump up ^ "Food Timeline - City Chicken". Retrieved 21 September 2009.
Jump up ^ "City Chicken Recipe, 30 minutes to make, Serves 4". Grouprecipes.com. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "Sharkey's - Binghamton, NY". Roadfood.com. 13 April 2007. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Popik, Barry (17 December 2008). "The Big Apple: City Chicken". Barrypopik.com. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Wiley, Nan (30 July 1970), "Let's ask the cook: Just like Mom made", Ottawa Citizen, p. 16, retrieved 21 June 2011
Jump up ^ Helen, Aunt; Mogford, Jayne (18 July 1931), "The Kitchenette: City Chicken", Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, p. 28, retrieved 21 June 2011
Sources[edit]
Various Recipes
That's Not What The Recipe Says: Binghamton Bound with City Chicken
City Chicken
Food portal
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Camp meeting
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For the album by Bruce Hornsby, see Camp Meeting (album).
The camp meeting is a form of Protestant Christian religious service originating in England and Scotland as an evangelical event in association with the communion season. It was held for worship, preaching and communion on the frontier during the Second Great Awakening of the early 19th century. Revivals and camp meetings continued to be held by various denominations, and in some areas of the mid-Atlantic, led to the development of seasonal cottages for meetings.
Originally camp meetings were held in frontier areas, where people without regular preachers would travel on occasion from a large region to a particular site to camp out, listen to itinerant preachers, pray, and sing hymns. Camp meetings offered community, often singing and other music, sometimes dancing, and diversion from work. The practice was a major component of the Second Great Awakening, an evangelical movement promoted by Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian and other preachers in the early 19th century. Certain denominations took the lead in different geographic areas.
Camp meetings today are often held annually at campgrounds owned by a Christian denomination.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Camp meetings in America
2 Camp meetings in British Methodism
3 Music and hymn singing
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
Camp meetings in America[edit]
The camp meeting is a phenomenon of American frontier Christianity, but with strong roots in traditional practices of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland and the United States. Scots and Scots-Irish predominated in many parts of the frontier at this time, and had brought their familiar Presbyterian communion season practices with them. Barton W. Stone and Alexander Campbell, two leading ministers of the later Restoration Movement of the 1830s, had each been ordained as Presbyterian ministers and served for several years in that role, leading preaching at numerous meetings.
The movement of thousands of settlers to new territories without permanent villages of the types they knew meant they were without religious communities. Not only were there few authorized houses of worship, there were fewer ordained ministers to fill the pulpits. The "camp meeting" led by itinerant preachers was an innovative response to this situation.[citation needed] Word of mouth told there was to be a religious meeting at a certain location. Due to the primitive means of transportation, if the meeting was to be more than a few miles' distance from the homes of those attending, they would need to stay at the revival for its entire duration, or as long as they desired to remain. People generally camped out at or near the revival site, as on the frontier there were usually neither adequate accommodations nor the funds for frontier families to use them. People were attracted to large camp meetings from a wide area. Some came out of sincere religious devotion or interest, others out of curiosity and a desire for a break from the arduous frontier routine; the structure of the situation often resulted in new converts.[citation needed]
An engraving of a Methodist camp meeting in 1819 (Library of Congress).
Freed from daily routines for the duration of the meeting, participants could take part in almost continuous services, which resulted in high emotions; once one speaker was finished (often after several hours), another would often rise to take his place.
Several ministers, sometimes from different denominations, provided virtually nonstop preaching and hymn singing during the day, in the evening, and late into the night. Attenders anticipated and had emotional conversion experiences, with crying, trances, and exaltation.[2]
Lee Sandlin gave an overview of the typical camp meeting in frontier America:
A typical meeting began in a low-key, almost solemn way. A preacher gave a sermon of welcome and led a prayer for peace and community. This was followed by the singing of several hymns. Then there would be more sermons. . . .
The next day, and the day following, the sermons grew increasingly sensational and impassioned, and the excited response of the crowd grew more prolonged. By the second or third day, people were crying out during the sermons, and shouting prayers, and bursting into loud lamentations; they began grabbing at their neighbors and desperately pleading with them to repent; they sobbed uncontrollably and ran in terror through the crowd, shoving aside everybody in their path
As the preachers ranted without letup, the crowd was driven into a kind of collective ecstasy. In the night, as the torches and bonfires flared around the meeting ground and the darkness of the trackless forests closed in, people behaved as if possessed by something new and unfathomable. As Finley wrote: "A strange supernatural power seemed to pervade the entire mass of mind there collected." . . . (p. 92-93)[3]
Sandlin describes several ecstatic practices common at camp meetings, including:
The Falling Exercise: "The falling exercise was very common among all classes, the saints and sinners of every age and of every grade, from the philosopher to the clown. The subject of this exercise would, generally, with a piercing scream, fall like a log on the floor, earth or mud, and appear as dead." (p. 94)[3] (See Slain in the Spirit for further information.)
The Jerks: "When the head alone was affected," Stone said, "it would be jerked backward and forward, or from side to side, so quickly that the features of the face could not be distinguished. When the whole system was affected, I have seen the person stand in one place and jerk backward and forward in quick succession, their head nearly touching the floor behind and before." . . . When people recovered from the jerks, Stone reported, they could not account for what had happened to them, "but some have told me that those were among the happiest seasons of their lives." (p. 94)[3]
The Rolling Exercise: People would start by twisting their heads from side to side and rapidly nodding and snapping their heads back. Then they would hurl themselves to the ground and begin rolling over and over in the mud and dirt like dogs. Sometimes they writhed and screamed as though they were being stabbed with hot pokers. (p. 94-95)[3]
The Dancing Exercise: a weird, somber sequence of steps and retreats. While smiles of radiant supernatural bliss played across their faces, the dancers would keep it up for hours, sometimes very rapidly and sometimes with an unearthly slow-motion grace, until they dropped from exhaustion (p. 95)[3]
The Laughing Exercise: "The subject appeared rapturously solemn, and his laughter excited solemnity in saints and sinners" (p. 95)[3]
The Singing Exercise: "The subject in a very happy state of mind would sing most melodiously, not from the mouth or nose, but entirely in the breast, the sounds issuing thence. Such music silenced everything and attracted the attention of all. It was most heavenly." (p. 95)[3]
Sandlin continues:
In the pervasive atmosphere of extreme excitement, people weren't all that careful to make a distinction between religious ecstasy and sexual hunger. The campgrounds were notoriously good places for prostitutes to do business; among the tents of the hawkers and peddlers around the margins of the camp would often be full-service brothels. But at the height of their religious transports, many campgoers would simply go off into the woods together, day or night, in complicated and impromptu combinations. According to one scandalized report from a vigilance committee, a woman at one camp meeting invited six men to meet with her in the woods at the same time. It was a standard joke that the local population invariably spiked nine months after any meeting. Those children were known throughout the river valley as camp meeting babies.
The rumors of what went on around the margins of the grounds were what eventually led to the taming of the camp meeting tradition. Toward midcentury, vigilance committees began to police their local meetings; gradually the events became more staid and tedious. Preachers were still expected to be wildly dramatic—it was often said that a preacher who didn't end a sermon by falling to the ground and rolling around in a fit was simply being lazy. But more and more, the congregations tended to listen with polite attention and only gave in to the falls and the other exercises at controlled and ritualized intervals. The religious authorities that dominated American churches later in the century regarded the boredom of the new camp meetings as one of their greatest moral triumphs. (p. 95-96)[3]
Sandlin's commentary is a provocative opinion piece compared to the less sensationalist descriptions by those better qualified to write about the event, such as Colonel Robert Patterson, who had been involved in the settlement of Kentucky practically from the beginning. He had described with amazement the religious phenomena taking place during the sequence of meetings. His description of the Cane Ridge Revival, taken from a letter to the Rev. Doctor John King on September 25, 1801, is memorable:
"On the first Sabbath of August, was the Sacrament of Kainridge, the congregation of Mr. Stone. - This was the largest meeting of any that I have ever seen: It continued from Friday till Wednesday. About 12,000 persons, 125 waggons, 8 carriages, 900 communicants, 300 were struck. . . "
Patterson tried, "as well as I am able," to describe the emotion.
"Of all ages, from 8 years and upwards; male and female; rich and poor; the blacks; and of every denomination; those in favour of it, as well as those, at the instant in opposition to it, and railing against it, have instantaneously laid motionless on the ground. Some feel the approaching symptoms by being under deep convictions; their heart swells, their nerves relax, and in an instant they become motionless and speechless, but generally retain their senses. . . He went on to describe other manifestations which continued from "one hour to 24".
Patterson continued;
"In order to give you a more just conception of it, suppose so large a congregation assembled in the woods, ministers preaching day and night; the camp illuminated with candles, on trees, at wagons, and at the tent; persons falling down, and carried out of the crowd, by those next to them, and taken to some convenient place, where prayer is made for them, some Psalm or Hymn, suitable to the occasion, sung. If they speak, what they say is attended to, being very solemn and affecting - many are struck under such exhortations. . . Now suppose 20 of those groups around; some rejoicing, and great solemnity on every countenance, and you will form some imperfect idea of the extraordinary work! "Indeed it is a miracle, that a wicked unthoughtful sinner, who never could, or did address himself, to an audience before, should, rise out of one of those fits and continue for the space of two hours recommending religion and Jesus Christ to sinners, as a lovely Savior, free willing, and all sufficient, and calling to sinners and inviting them to come to Christ and close in with the offer of salvation, in the most pressing an engaging manner."
(Source: Extract of a Letter from Colonel Robert Patterson, of Lexington, Kentucky to the Reverend Doctor John King, September 25, 1801. From the Cane Ridge Meeting House website.[4]
[5] Revivalism had been a significant force in religion since the 1740s and the First Great Awakening, but in the days of the camp meeting, "revivalism became the dominant religious culture."[2] These sorts of meetings contributed greatly to what became known as the Second Great Awakening. A particularly large and successful revival was held at Cane Ridge, Kentucky in 1801, led by some ministers later active in what became the Restoration Movement. Some scholars suggest that this was the pioneering event in the history of frontier camp meetings in America.[2] What made camp meetings successful and multiply quite rapidly "were their emphases upon revivalism and morality, de-emphasis upon formal theology, clergy sharing the worldview of the frontier dwellers, and respect for common people.[2]
Frost summarizes: "Camp-meeting religion reinforced older themes of revivalism, including a sense of cooperation among the denominations, all of which confronted individual sinners with the necessity of making a decision to be converted."[2]
In the early 1800s in what is now Toronto, Ohio, members of the Sugar Grove Methodist Episcopal Church with the assistance of circuit preachers began a series of camp meetings in the surrounding area. One such meeting, first being held out of the home of a local family, has met annually in Hollow Rock Run since it was formally organized as a Methodist camp in 1818 while continuing to use the family's farm land.[6][7] In 1875 at the urging of prominent clergy and members, the meeting became nondenominational holiness through the formation of the Hollow Rock Holiness Camp Meeting Association and its leasing and eventual purchase of the land. The association, which still operates the camp, notes that it is the oldest Christian camp meeting in continual existence in the United States.[7]
A watercolor painting of a camp meeting circa 1839 (New Bedford Whaling Museum).
Another camp gathering area, known now as the Campgrounds, was located in present-day Merrick, New York. Parishioners arrived by wagon, parking them in two concentric circles. Eventually some started building small seasonal cottages, which offered more comfort than the wagons for repeated use. A chapel and a house for the minister were also built. In the 1920s, with new areas open to those with cars, people stopped using the campground. The cottages and church buildings were adapted as local, permanent residences, and most survive today. The two roads, Wesley and Fletcher avenues, encompass the area of the original paths which the wagons would encircle. The area is also known as Tiny Town because of the small size of the original cottages.
In the aftermath of the American Civil War, such evangelical camp meetings gained wide recognition and a substantial increase in popularity as a result of a holiness movement camp meeting in Vineland, New Jersey in 1867. In the mid-Atlantic states, the Methodist Church led many of these camp meetings and established semi-permanent sites for summer seasons. Ocean Grove, New Jersey, founded in 1869, has been called the "Queen of the Victorian Methodist Camp Meetings." Similar areas include Cape May Point, New Jersey, with others in Maryland and New York. At the end of the nineteenth century, believers in Spiritualism also established camp meetings throughout the United States.
Camp meetings in the United States continued to be conducted on a wide scale for many years . Some are still held in the 21st century, primarily by Pentecostal and Wesleyan holiness groups, as well as other Protestants and Spiritualists. Some scholars[who?] consider the revival meeting a form that arose to recreate the spirit of the frontier camp meeting.
The Balls Creek Campground camp meeting was established in 1853 and is believed to be one of the largest religious campgrounds in the southern United States.[8] Other sites of Methodist camp meetings in North Carolina are the Chapel Hill Church Tabernacle, Center Arbor, and Pleasant Grove Camp Meeting Ground (1830).[9][10][11]
The Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection holds its camp meetings annually at Methodist Camp in Stoneboro. Each conference of the Bible Methodist Connection of Churches owns land on which its camp meetings are held each year. Many United Methodist churches also hold yearly camp meetings, such as the Shiloh United Methodist Church Camp Meeting, Northport Indian United Methodist Church and Trinity United Methodist Camp Meeting, for example.[12][13][14] Many Free Methodist churches hold camp meetings every year, such as those that take place at the Tri-State Free Methodist Campground.[1] At these Methodist camp meetings:[15]
... both the Eucharist and Love Feast were celebrated. But the focus of the camp meeting was on preaching of the "way of salvation," and the physical layout of the camp meeting assembly area came to be a sacred space representing the stages on the way of salvation. The altar rail, originated the point for receving Holy Communion, came to represent the surrender of oneself in conversion and entire sanctification. The "mourner's bench" (or "anxious bench," as it was decried by the theologians of the Mercersburg movement) was placed in front of the altar rail and represented the experience of spiritual "awakening" that typically preceded conversion in understanding of the "way of salvation." In a weekend format, one might expect a sermon on sin, awakening and repentance on Friday, sermons on conversion and assurance on Saturday, and preaching on sanctification (including entire sanctification) on Sunday.[15]
Camp meetings in British Methodism[edit]
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On Sunday 31 May 1807 the first Camp Meeting was held in England at Mow Cop. The Wesleyan Methodists disapproved and subsequently expelled Hugh Bourne "because you have a tendency to set up other than the ordinary worship." He eventually formed the Primitive Methodist Church.
Lorenzo Dow brought reports of Camp Meetings from North America during his visits to England. Hugh Bourne, William Clowes and Daniel Shoebotham saw this as an answer to complaints from members of the Harriseahead Methodists that their weeknight prayer meeting was too short. Bourne also saw these as an antidote to the general debauchery of the Wakes in that part of the Potteries, one of the reasons why he continued organising Camp Meetings in spite of the opposition from the Wesleyan authorities.[citation needed]
The pattern of the Primitive Methodist Camp Meeting was as a time of prayer and preaching from the Bible. In the first Camp Meeting, four separate "preaching stations" had been set up by the afternoon, each with an audience, while in between others spent the time praying. Their emphasis on the Bible is a clear distinction from the spiritualist strand of American camp meetings.[original research?]
From May 1807 to the establishing of Primitive Methodism as a denomination in 1811, a series of 17 Camp Meetings was held.[16] There were a number of different venues beyond Mow Cop, including Norton-in-the-Moors during the Wakes in 1807 (Hugh Bourne's target venue), and Ramsor in 1808.
After Hugh Bourne and a significant number of his colleagues, including the Standley Methodist Society, had been put out of membership of the Burslem Wesleyan Circuit, they formed a group known as the Camp Meeting Methodists until 1811. That year they joined with the followers of William Clowes, known as the "Clowesites".
Camp Meetings were a regular feature of Primitive Methodist life throughout the 19th century,[17] and still survive in other forms today. The annual late May Bank Holiday weekend meetings at Cliff College[5] are one example. A number of tents are set up around the site, each featuring a different preacher.
Music and hymn singing[edit]
The camp meeting tradition fostered a tradition of music and hymn singing with strong oral, improvisatory, and spontaneous elements.
Hymns were taught and learned by rote, and a spontaneous and improvisatory element was prized. Both tunes and words were created, changed, and adapted in true folk music fashion:[18]
Specialists in nineteenth-century American religious history describe camp meeting music as the creative product of participants who, when seized by the spirit of a particular sermon or prayer, would take lines from a preacher's text as a point of departure for a short, simple melody. The melody was either borrowed from a preexisting tune or made up on the spot. The line would be sung repeatedly, changing slightly each time, and shaped gradually into a stanza that could be learned easily by others and memorized quickly.[19]
Spontaneous song became a marked characteristic of the camp meetings. Rough and irregular couplets or stanzas were concocted out of Scripture phrases and every-day speech, with liberal interspersing of Hallelujahs and refrains. Such ejaculatory hymns were frequently started by an excited auditor during the preaching, and taken up by the throng, until the meeting dissolved into a "singing-ecstasy" culminating in general hand-shaking. Sometimes they were given forth by a preacher, who had a sense of rhythm, under the excitement of his preaching and the agitation of his audience. Hymns were also composed more deliberately out of meeting, and taught to the people or lined out from the pulpit.[20]
Collections of camp meeting hymns were published, which served both to propagate tunes and texts that were commonly used, and to document the most commonly sung tunes and texts.[20] Example hymnals include The Pilgrams' songster; or, A choice collection of spiritual songs (1828),[21] The Camp-meeting Chorister (1830) [22] and The Golden Harp (1857)[23]
Many of these songs were republished in shape note songbooks such as the Sacred Harp (and dozens of other more obscure publications); they can typically be distinguished by the reuse and re-arrangement of certain lines of lyrics from other songs, re-set to a new melody and sometimes containing new lyrics. Many of these camp songs are also set in a "call and response" format, typically, every line of lyric is followed by the words "Glory Hallelujah!" (although this varies, and other phrases or combinations can be used as well), which allows for easy audience participation in their original format, as the audience can call back the response even if they don't know the lyrics of the song itself. For example, the tune "Antioch 277" from the Sacred Harp reads:
I know that my Redeemer lives, Glory, Hallelujah!
What comfort this sweet sentence gives, Glory Hallelujah!
Shout on, pray on, we're gaining ground, Glory Hallelujah!
The dead's alive and the lost is found, Glory Hallelujah!
(F.C. Wood, 1850)
The 20th-century American composer Charles Ives used the camp meeting phenomenon as a metaphysical basis for his Symphony No. 3 (Ives). He incorporated hymn tunes and American Civil War-era popular songs (which are closely related to camp meeting songs) as part of the symphony's musical material. The piece was not premiered until 1946, almost 40 years after its composition, and the symphony was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 1947.
See also[edit]
Tent revival
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "Pastor Dwyer is evangelist for Tri-State Free Methodist Campground". The Vindicator. 27 June 2015. Retrieved 9 June 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e J. William Frost, "Part V: Christianity and Culture in America, Christianity: A Social and Cultural History, 2nd Edition, (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1998), 430
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Lee Sandlin, Wicked River: The Mississippi When It Ran Wild (Pantheon Books, New York, 2010), ISBN 978-0-307-37951-1, pp. 92-96, https://books.google.com/books?id=VByuXlLkRPEC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false
Jump up ^ Cane Ridge Meeting House
^ Jump up to: a b Cliff College is a Methodist training college in Derbyshire. The meetings are an annual attraction for many Methodists.
Jump up ^ Robert Shillings. Historical Notes of Knox Township, Jefferson County, Ohio.
^ Jump up to: a b Eleanor L. Smith (1988). Hollow Rock: A History (pdf). Hollow Rock Camp Meeting Association. Retrieved 2011-08-01.
Jump up ^ Barbara Kooiman and Michael Hill (July 1989). "Balls Creek Campground" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office. Retrieved 2014-08-01.
Jump up ^ Laura A. W. Phillips (December 2011). "Chapel Hill Church Tabernacle" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office. Retrieved 2014-10-01.
Jump up ^ Laura A. W. Phillips (March 1991). "Center Arbor" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office. Retrieved 2014-10-01.
Jump up ^ Survey and Planning Unit Staff (October 1972). "Pleasant Grove Camp Meeting Ground" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office. Retrieved 2014-08-01.
Jump up ^ "2018 Summer Camp Meeting". Northport Indian United Methodist Church. 2018. Retrieved 9 June 2018.
Jump up ^ "Historic Campground". Shiloh United Methodist Church. 2018. Retrieved 9 June 2018.
Jump up ^ "Camp Meeting". Trinity United Methodist Church. 2018. Retrieved 9 June 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Kimbrough, S. T. (2007). Orthodox and Wesleyan Ecclesiology. St. Vladimir's Seminary Press. p. 221. ISBN 9780881412680. Retrieved 19 June 2018.
Jump up ^ H B Kendall, “The Origin and History of the Primitive Methodist Church”, (1906 for the 1907 Camp Meeting Centenary), p. 89 ISBN 1-901670-49-X ISBN 9781901670-49-3 (EAN-13 format)
Jump up ^ Continued mention in Circuit Plans and the Minutes of Circuit Meetings
Jump up ^ Annie J. Randall, "A Censorship of Forgetting: Origins and Origin Myths of 'Battle Hymn of the Republic'", in Music, Power, and Politics, edited by Annie J. Randall (Routledge, 2004) (Google books)
Jump up ^ Annie J. Randall, "A Censorship of Forgetting: Origins and Origin Myths of 'Battle Hymn of the Republic'", in Music, Power, and Politics, edited by Annie J. Randall (Routledge, 2004), page 16. (Google books)
^ Jump up to: a b Benson, Louis FitzGerald (1915). The English hymn: its development and use in worship. George H. Doran Company. p. 292. Retrieved 3 May 2009.
Jump up ^ Hinde, Thomas S. (1828). The Pilgrams' songster; or, A choice collection of spiritual songs. A. Wright & A. Wolliscroft
Jump up ^ The Camp-meeting Chorister, Or, A Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs: For the Pious of All Denominations to be Sung at Camp Meetings, During Revivals of Religion and on Other Occasions. Clarke. 1830. Retrieved 3 May 2009.
Jump up ^ Henry, George W. (1857). The Golden Harp. Published by the author.
Further reading[edit]
Brown, Kenneth O. Holy Ground, Too: The Camp Meeting Family Tree. Enlarged and rev. ed. Hazelton PA: Holiness Archives, 1997.
Bruce, Dickson D., Jr. And They All Sang Hallelujah: Plain-Folk Camp-Meeting Religion, 1800-1845. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1974.
Huttar, Charles A., and Joy Culbertson Huttar. Island Grove Camp Meeting: A Centennial History. Occasional Papers Ser. no. 5. Mifflintown PA: Juniata County Historical Society, 1999.
Johnson, Charles A. The Frontier Camp Meeting: Religion's Harvest Time. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1955.University Press, 1987.
Weiss, Ellen. City in the Woods: The Life and Design of an American Camp Meeting on Martha's Vineyard. New York and Oxford: Oxford
Young, D.M. (2016) The great River: Primitive Methodism till 1868 (Stoke-on-Trent: Tentmaker Publications)
Young, D. M. (2017) Change and Decay: Primitive Methodism from late Victorian times till World War 1 (Stoke-on-Trent: Tentmaker Publications)
www.primitivemethodism.com
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List of National Football League annual interceptions leaders
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
An interception, also known as a pick, is a gridiron football concept involving a pass being caught by an opposition player, who usually gains possession for his team. Record-keeping for interception counts in the National Football League (NFL) began in 1940. The record for most interceptions in a single season is held by Night Train Lane, who logged 14 interceptions as a rookie in 1952, while playing for the Los Angeles Rams.[1] Previously Dan Sandifer of the Washington Redskins and Spec Sanders jointly held the record, earning 13 interceptions, in 1948 and 1950, respectively. The record for most league-leading seasons in interceptions is 3. This was first achieved by Everson Walls, who led the league in interceptions in 1981, 1982, and again in 1985.[2] Ed Reed was later able to match Walls, by leading the league in 2004, 2008, and 2010.[3] Bill Bradley became the first player to led the league in interceptions in consecutive seasons (1971 and 1972).[4] The aforementioned Walls matched Bradley with his 1981 and 1982 efforts. The most recent players to lead the league in interceptions are Kevin Byard and Darius Slay with 8 in 2017. Additionally, New York Giants players have led the league in interceptions in more seasons (7), than any other team.
Interception leaders[edit]
Don Huston co-led the league in interceptions in 1940.
As a rookie, Dick Lane set the record for interceptions in a season in 1952.
Paul Kruase led the league in interceptions as a rookie in 1964 and holds the career record for interceptions.
Ed Reed led the league a co-record thrice – in 2004, 2008, and 2010.
Set record*
Year
Player
Ints
Team
1940 Don Hutson
Ace Parker
Kent Ryan 6 Green Bay Packers
Brooklyn Dodgers
Detroit Lions
1941 Marshall Goldberg
Art Jones 7 Chicago Cardinals
Pittsburgh Steelers
1942 Bulldog Turner 8 Chicago Bears
1943 Sammy Baugh 11 Washington Redskins
1944 Howie Livingston 9 New York Giants
1945 Roy Zimmerman 7 Philadelphia Eagles
1946 Bill Dudley 10 Pittsburgh Steelers
1947 Frank Reagan
Frank Seno 10 New York Giants
Boston Yanks
1948 Dan Sandifer 13 Washington Redskins
1949 Bob Nussbaumer 12 Chicago Cardinals
1950 Spec Sanders 13 New York Yanks
1951 Otto Schnellbacher 11 New York Giants
1952 Dick Lane 14* Los Angeles Rams
1953 Jack Christiansen 12 Detroit Lions
1954 Dick Lane 10 Chicago Cardinals
1955 Will Sherman 11 Los Angeles Rams
1956 Lindon Crow 11 Chicago Cardinals
1957 Jack Butler
Jack Christiansen
Milt Davis 10 Pittsburgh Steelers
Detroit Lions
Baltimore Colts
1958 Jimmy Patton 11 New York Giants
1959 Milt Davis
Dean Derby
Don Shinnick 7 Baltimore Colts
Pittsburgh Steelers
Baltimore Colts
1960 Dave Baker
Jerry Norton 10 San Francisco 49ers
St. Louis Cardinals
1961 Dick Lynch 9 New York Giants
1962 Willie Wood 9 Green Bay Packers
1963 Dick Lynch
Rosey Taylor 9 New York Giants
Chicago Bears
1964 Paul Krause 12 Washington Redskins
1965 Bobby Boyd 9 Baltimore Colts
1966 Larry Wilson 10 St. Louis Cardinals
1967 Lem Barney
Dave Whitsell 10 Detroit Lions
New Orleans Saints
1968 Willie Williams 10 New York Giants
1969 Mel Renfro 10 Dallas Cowboys
1970 Johnny Robinson 10 Kansas City Chiefs
1971 Bill Bradley 11 Philadelphia Eagles
1972 Bill Bradley 9 Philadelphia Eagles
1973 Dick Anderson
Mike Wagner 8 Miami Dolphins
Pittsburgh Steelers
1974 Emmitt Thomas 12 Kansas City Chiefs
1975 Mel Blount 11 Pittsburgh Steelers
1976 Monte Jackson 10 Los Angeles Rams
1977 Lyle Blackwood 10 Baltimore Colts
1978 Thom Darden 10 Cleveland Browns
1979 Mike Reinfeldt 12 Houston Oilers
1980 Lester Hayes 13 Oakland Raiders
1981 Everson Walls 11 Dallas Cowboys
1982 Everson Walls 7 Dallas Cowboys
1983 Mark Murphy 9 Washington Redskins
1984 Kenny Easley 10 Seattle Seahawks
1985 Everson Walls 9 Dallas Cowboys
1986 Ronnie Lott 10 San Francisco 49ers
1987 Barry Wilburn 9 Washington Redskins
1988 Scott Case 10 Atlanta Falcons
1989 Felix Wright 9 Cleveland Browns
1990 Mark Carrier 10 Chicago Bears
1991 Ronnie Lott 8 Oakland Raiders
1992 Henry Jones
Audray McMillian 8 Buffalo Bills
Minnesota Vikings
1993 Nate Odomes
Eugene Robinson 9 Buffalo Bills
Seattle Seahawks
1994 Eric Turner
Aeneas Williams 9 Cleveland Browns
Arizona Cardinals
1995 Orlando Thomas 9 Minnesota Vikings
1996 Tyrone Braxton
Keith Lyle 9 Denver Broncos
St. Louis Rams
1997 Ryan McNeil 9 St. Louis Rams
1998 Ty Law 9 New England Patriots
1999 Donnie Abraham
James Hasty
Sam Madison
Troy Vincent
Rod Woodson 7 Tampa Bay Buccaneers
Kansas City Chiefs
Miami Dolphins
Philadelphia Eagles
Baltimore Ravens
2000 Darren Sharper 9 Green Bay Packers
2001 Ronde Barber
Anthony Henry 10 Tampa Bay Buccaneers
Cleveland Browns
2002 Brian Kelly
Rod Woodson 8 Tampa Bay Buccaneers
Oakland Raiders
2003 Tony Parrish
Brian Russell 9 San Francisco 49ers
Minnesota Vikings
2004 Ed Reed 9 Baltimore Ravens
2005 Ty Law
Deltha O'Neal 10 New York Jets
Cincinnati Bengals
2006 Champ Bailey
Asante Samuel 10 Denver Broncos
New England Patriots
2007 Antonio Cromartie 10 San Diego Chargers
2008 Ed Reed 9 Baltimore Ravens
2009 Jarius Byrd
Asante Samuel
Darren Sharper
Charles Woodson 9 Buffalo Bills
Philadelphia Eagles
New Orleans Saints
Green Bay Packers
2010 Ed Reed 8 Baltimore Ravens
2011 Kyle Arrington
Eric Weddle
Charles Woodson 7 New England Patriots
San Diego Chargers
Green Bay Packers
2012 Tim Jennings 9 Chicago Bears
2013 Richard Sherman 8 Seattle Seahawks
2014 Glover Quin 7 Detroit Lions
2015 Reggie Nelson
Marcus Peters 8 Cincinnati Bengals
Kansas City Chiefs
2016 Casey Hayward 7 San Diego Chargers
2017 Kevin Byard
Darius Slay 8 Tennessee Titans
Detroit Lions
Other leagues[edit]
All-America Football Conference (AAFC):
Year
Player
Ints
Team
1946 Tommy Colella 10 Cleveland Browns
1947 Tommy Colella
Len Eshmont
Bill Kellagher 6 Cleveland Browns
San Francisco 49ers
Chicago Rockets
1948 Otto Schnellbacher 11 New York Yankees
1949 Jim Cason 9 San Francisco 49ers
American Football League (AFL):
Year
Player
Ints
Team
1960 Goose Gonsoulin 11 Denver Broncos
1961 Billy Atkins 10 Buffalo Bills
1962 Lee Riley 11 Titans of New York
1963 Fred Glick 12 Houston Oilers
1964 Dainard Paulson 12 New York Jets
1965 W. K. Hicks 9 Houston Oilers
1966 Bobby Hunt
Johnny Robinson 10 Kansas City Chiefs
Kansas City Chiefs
1967 Miller Farr
Tom Janik
Dick Westmoreland 10 Houston Oilers
Buffalo Bills
Miami Dolphins
1968 Dave Grayson 10 Oakland Raiders
1969 Emmitt Thomas 9 Kansas City Chiefs
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Hunter, Justin (July 8, 2012). "Why Dick Lane's Interception Record Will Never Fall". Football Nation. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Everson Walls". Louisiana Sports Hall of Fame. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Texans cut Ed Reed; Foster to IR". ESPN. November 13, 2013. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
Jump up ^ Richards, Matt (September 24, 2004). "Bradley's legend starts new chapter at Baylor". Baylor.edu. Retrieved October 10, 2014.
[show]
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NFL annual interceptions leaders
1940: Hutson, Parker & Ryan
1941: Goldberg & A. Jones
1942: B. Turner
1943: Baugh
1944: Livingston
1945: Zimmerman
1946: Dudley
1947: Reagan & Seno
1948: Sandifer
1949: Nussbaumer
1950: Sanders
1951: Schnellbacher
1952: Lane
1953: Christiansen
1954: Lane
1955: W. Sherman
1956: Crow
1957: Butler, Christiansen & Davis
1958: Patton
1959: Davis, Derby & Shinnick
1960: Baker & Norton
1961: Lynch
1962: Wood
1963: Lynch & Taylor
1964: Krause
1965: Boyd
1966: Wilson
1967: Barney & Whitsell
1968: W. Williams
1969: Renfro
1970: J. Robinson
1971: Bradley
1972: Bradley
1973: Anderson & Wagner
1974: E. Thomas
1975: Blount
1976: Jackson
1977: Blackwood
1978: Darden
1979: Reinfeldt
1980: Hayes
1981: Walls
1982: Walls
1983: Murphy
1984: Easley
1985: Walls
1986: Lott
1987: Wilburn
1988: Case
1989: Wright
1990: Carrier
1991: Lott
1992: H. Jones & McMillian
1993: Odomes & E. Robinson
1994: E. Turner & A. Williams
1995: O. Thomas
1996: Braxton & Lyle
1997: McNeil
1998: Law
1999: Abraham, Hasty, Madison, Vincent & R. Woodson
2000: Sharper
2001: Barber & Henry
2002: Kelly & R. Woodson
2003: Parrish & Russell
2004: Reed
2005: Law & O'Neal
2006: Bailey & Samuel
2007: Cromartie
2008: Reed
2009: Byrd, Samuel, Sharper & C. Woodson
2010: Reed
2011: Arrington, Weddle & C. Woodson
2012: Jennings
2013: R. Sherman
2014: Quin
2015: Nelson & Peters
2016: Hayward
2017: Byard & Slay
[show]
v
t
e
AFL annual interceptions leaders
1960: Gonsoulin
1961: Atkins
1962: Riley
1963: Glick
1964: Paulson
1965: Hicks
1966: Hunt & Robinson
1967: Farr, Janik & Westmoreland
1968: Grayson
1969: Thomas
[show]
v
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e
National Football League records and leaders
General
Super Bowl records
Team playoff records
Team records
Individual records
Games played
Consecutive games and starts
99-yard pass play
All-purpose yards
Scoring
Passing
Career
Touchdowns
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Annual
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Rating
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Rushing
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Attempts
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Touchdowns
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Receiving
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Touchdowns
Yards
Receptions
Annual
Touchdowns
Yards
Receptions
Defense
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Sacks
Interceptions
Annual
Sacks
Interceptions
Special teams
Annual
Punting yards
Punt return yards
Kickoff return yards
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=List_of_National_Football_League_annual_interceptions_leaders&oldid=818900367"
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This page was last edited on 6 January 2018, at 07:14.
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