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United States presidential election, 1824
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United States presidential election, 1824
← 1820 October 26 – December 2, 1824 1828 →
All 261 electoral votes of the Electoral College
131 electoral votes needed to win
Nominee
John Q. Adams Andrew Jackson
Party
Democratic-Republican Democratic-Republican
Home state
Massachusetts Tennessee
Running mate
John C. Calhoun John C. Calhoun
Electoral vote
84 99
States carried
7 (in EC)
13 (in HR) 12 (in EC)
7 (in HR)
Popular vote
113,122[a] 151,271[a]
Percentage
30.9% 41.4%
Nominee
William H. Crawford Henry Clay
Party
Democratic-Republican Democratic-Republican
Home state
Georgia Kentucky
Running mate
Nathaniel Macon
(replacing Albert Gallatin) Nathan Sanford
Electoral vote
41 37
States carried
2 (in EC)
4 (in HR) 3 (in EC)
Popular vote
40,856[a] 47,531[a]
Percentage
11.2% 13.0%
Presidential election results map. Blue denotes states won by Jackson, orange denotes those won by Crawford, green denotes those won by Adams, light yellow denotes those won by Clay. Numbers indicate the number of electoral votes allotted to each state.
President before election
James Monroe
Democratic-Republican
Elected President
John Quincy Adams
Democratic-Republican
The United States presidential election of 1824 was the tenth quadrennial presidential election, held from Tuesday, October 26, to Thursday, December 2, 1824. John Quincy Adams was elected President on February 9, 1825. The election was the only one in history to be decided by the House of Representatives under the provisions of the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution after no candidate secured a majority of the electoral vote. It was also the first U.S. presidential election where the elected president lost the popular vote,[1] and the only presidential election in which the candidate who received the most electoral votes (Andrew Jackson) did not become President, a source of great bitterness for Jackson and his supporters, who proclaimed the election of Adams a corrupt bargain.
Prior to the election, the Democratic-Republican Party had won six consecutive presidential elections. In 1824 the Democratic-Republican Party failed to agree on a choice of candidate for president, with the result that the party effectively ceased to exist and split four ways behind four separate candidates. Later, the faction led by Jackson would evolve into the modern Democratic Party in the 1828 election, while the factions led by Adams and Henry Clay would become the National Republican Party and then the Whig Party.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 General election
2.1 Campaign
2.2 Candidates
2.3 Candidates who withdrew before election
3 Nomination process
3.1 Results
4 Results by state
4.1 Breakdown by ticket
5 1825 contingent election
5.1 Results by state in House of Representatives
6 Electoral College selection
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
9.1 Sources
10 Further reading
11 External links
Background[edit]
The Era of Good Feelings, closely associated with the administration of President James Monroe (1817–1825), was characterized by the dissolution of national political identities.[2] With the discredited Federalists in decline nationally, the "amalgamated" or hybridized Republicans adopted key Federalist economic programs and institutions, further erasing party identities and consolidating their victory.[3][4] The economic nationalism of the Era of Good Feelings that would authorize the Tariff of 1816 and incorporate the Second Bank of the United States portended an abandonment of the Jeffersonian political formula for strict construction of the constitution, limited central government and commitments to the primacy of Southern agrarian interests.[5][6][7]
The end of opposition parties also meant the end of party discipline and the means to suppress internecine factional animosities. Rather than produce political harmony, as President James Monroe had hoped, amalgamation had led to intense rivalries among Republicans.[8] Bereft of any party apparatus to contain these outbursts, Monroe attempted to enlist the leading statesmen of his day into his cabinet so as to commit them to advancing his policies. Of the five politicians who would run for president in 1824, three were in Monroe's cabinet: Secretary of State John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford of Georgia, and Secretary of War John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. General Andrew Jackson of Tennessee, a commander in the regular US Army, was tapped for high-profile military assignments. Only Speaker of the House of Representatives Henry Clay of Kentucky held political power independent of the Monroe administration. Monroe’s efforts to bring Clay into his cabinet failed, and the Speaker remained a persistent critic of the Monroe administration.
Amid these reconfigured political landscapes arose two pivotal events: the Panic of 1819 and the Missouri crisis of 1820.[9] Both the alarming economic disaster, which fell heavily upon both agrarian and industrial workers, and the distressing sectional disputes over slavery expansion, produced widespread social unrest and calls for increased democratic control over the future of the American republic.[10] From these disaffected social groups would be assembled the popular base on which political parties would be revived, though these were only beginning to take shape at the time of the 1824 presidential election.[11]
General election[edit]
Campaign[edit]
The previous competition between the Federalist Party and the Democratic-Republican Party collapsed after the War of 1812 due to the disintegration of the Federalists' popular appeal, and U.S. President James Monroe of the Democratic-Republican Party was able to run without opposition in the election of 1820. Like previous presidents who had been elected to two terms, James Monroe declined to seek re-nomination for a third term.[12]
Monroe's vice president, Daniel D. Tompkins, was considered unelectable due to his overwhelming unpopularity and major health problems (Tompkins died in June 1825, a little over three months after he left office). The presidential nomination was thus left wide open within the Democratic-Republican Party, the only major national political entity remaining in the United States.
Candidates[edit]
Secretary of State John Quincy Adams
House Speaker Henry Clay from Kentucky
Senator Andrew Jackson from Tennessee
Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford
Andrew Jackson was recruited to run for the office of the president by the state legislature of Tennessee. Jackson did not seek the task of running for president. Instead, he wished to retire to his estate on the outskirts of Nashville called the Hermitage. However, Andrew Jackson was not one to decline such request.[13]
Candidates who withdrew before election[edit]
Secretary of War John C. Calhoun
Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson
Nomination process[edit]
Congressional caucus balloting
Presidential candidate
Ballot
Vice Presidential candidate
Ballot
William H. Crawford 64 Albert Gallatin 57
Henry Clay 2 Erastus Root 2
John Quincy Adams 2 John Quincy Adams 1
Andrew Jackson 1 William Eustis 1
William Rufus King 1
William Lowndes 1
Richard Rush 1
Samuel Smith 1
John Tod 1
The traditional Congressional caucus nominated Crawford for president and Albert Gallatin for vice-president, but it was sparsely attended and was widely attacked as undemocratic. Gallatin later withdrew from the contest for the vice presidency, after quickly becoming disillusioned by repeated attacks on his credibility made by the other candidates. He was replaced by North Carolina senator Nathaniel Macon. A serious impediment to Crawford's candidacy was created by the effects of a stroke he suffered in 1823. Among other candidates, John Quincy Adams had more support than Henry Clay because of his huge popularity among the old Federalist voters in New England. By this time, even the traditionally Federalist Adams family had come to terms with the Democratic-Republican Party.
The election was as much a contest of favorite sons as it was a conflict over policy, although positions on tariffs and internal improvements did create some significant disagreements. In general, the candidates were favored by different sections of the country: Adams was strong in the Northeast; Jackson in the South, West and mid-Atlantic; Clay in parts of the West; and Crawford in parts of the South.
Secretary of War John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, who was a fifth candidate in the early stages of consideration, declined to run for president, but did decide to seek the vice presidency. For president, he backed Jackson, whose political beliefs he considered more compatible with those of most voters in the southern states. Both Adams and Jackson supporters backed Calhoun's candidacy as vice president; thus, he easily secured the majority of electoral votes he needed to secure that office. In reality, Calhoun was vehemently opposed to nearly all of Adams's policies, but he did nothing to dissuade Adams supporters from voting for him for vice president.
Results by county explicitly indicating the percentage of the winning candidate in each county. Shades of blue are for Jackson (Democratic-Republican), shades of red are for Adams (Democratic-Republican), shades of yellow are for Clay (Democratic-Republican), and shades of green are for Crawford (Democratic-Republican).
The campaigning for presidential election of 1824 took many forms. Contrafacta, or well known songs and tunes whose lyrics have been altered, were used to promote political agendas and presidential candidates. Below can be found a sound clip featuring "Hunters of Kentucky", a tune written by Samuel Woodsworth in 1815 under the title "The Unfortunate Miss Bailey". Contrafacta such as this one, which promoted Andrew Jackson as a national hero, have been a long-standing tradition in presidential elections. Another form of campaigning during this election was through newsprint. Political cartoons and partisan writings were best circulated among the voting public through newspapers. Presidential candidate John C. Calhoun was one of the candidates most directly involved through his participation in the publishing of the newspaper The Patriot as a member of the editorial staff. This was a sure way to promote his own political agendas and campaign. In contrast, most candidates involved in early 19th century elections did not run their own political campaigns. Instead it was left to volunteer citizens and partisans to speak on their behalf.[14][15][16][17]
Hunters of Kentucky
Jackson supporters used this Battle of New Orleans anthem as their campaign song.
Problems playing this file? See media help.
Results[edit]
The 1824 presidential election marked the final collapse of the Republican-Federalist political framework. Considering the large numbers of candidates and strong regional preferences, it is not surprising that the results of the election of 1824 were inconclusive. The electoral map confirmed the candidates' sectional support, with Adams winning outright in the New England states, Jackson gleaning success in states throughout the nation, Clay attracting votes from the West, and Crawford attracting votes from the eastern South. Andrew Jackson received more electoral and popular votes than any other candidate, but not the majority of 131 electoral votes needed to win the election. Since no candidate received the required majority of electoral votes, the presidential election was decided by the House of Representatives (see "Contingent election" below). Meanwhile, John C. Calhoun easily defeated his rivals in the race for the vice presidency, as the support of both the Adams and Jackson camps quickly gave him an unassailable lead over the other candidates. This means that 1824 marks the only election in U.S. history where only the vice presidential candidate had been successfully elected to an executive office by Electoral College.
Presidential candidate
Party
Home state
Popular vote[a]
Electoral vote
Count
Percentage
Andrew Jackson[b] Democratic-Republican Tennessee 151,271 41.4% 99
John Quincy Adams[c] Democratic-Republican Massachusetts 113,122 30.9% 84
William Harris Crawford[d] Democratic-Republican Georgia 40,856 11.2% 41
Henry Clay[e] Democratic-Republican Kentucky 47,531 13.0% 37
(Massachusetts unpledged electors) None Massachusetts 6,616 1.8% 0
Other 6,437 1.8% 0
Total 365,833 100.0% 261
Needed to win 131
Vice Presidential candidate
Party
State
Electoral vote[19]
John C. Calhoun Democratic-Republican South Carolina 182
Nathan Sanford Democratic-Republican New York 30
Nathaniel Macon Democratic-Republican North Carolina 24
Andrew Jackson Democratic-Republican Tennessee 13
Martin Van Buren Democratic-Republican New York 9
Henry Clay Democratic-Republican Kentucky 2
Total 260
Needed to win 131
Results by state[edit]
Andrew Jackson
Democratic-Republican
John Quincy Adams
Democratic-Republican
Henry Clay
Democratic-Republican
William Crawford
Democratic-Republican
State total
State
electoral
votes
#
%
electoral
votes
#
%
electoral
votes
#
%
electoral
votes
#
%
electoral
votes
#
Alabama
5
000136189,429 69.32 5 000136182,422 17.80 - 0004866996 0.71 - 000486691,656 12.17 - 13,603
AL
Connecticut
8
no ballots 7,494 70.39 8 no ballots 1,965 18.46 - 10,647
CT
Delaware
3
no popular vote no popular vote 1 no popular vote no popular vote 2 -
DE
Georgia
9
no popular vote no popular vote no popular vote no popular vote 9 -
GA
Illinois
3
1,272 27.23 2 1,516 32.46 1 1,036 22.18 - 847 18.13 - 4,671
IL
Indiana
5
7,343 46.61 5 3,095 19.65 - 5,315 33.74 - no ballots 15,753
IN
Kentucky
14
6,356 27.23 - no ballots 16,982 72.77 14 no ballots 23,338
KY
Louisiana
5
no popular vote 3 no popular vote 2 no popular vote no popular vote -
LA
Maine
9
no ballots 10,289 81.50 9 no ballots 2,336 18.50 - 12,625
ME
Maryland
11
14,523 43.73 7 14,632 44.05 3 695 2.09 - 3,364 10.13 1 33,214
MD
Massachusetts
15
no ballots 30,687 72.97 15 no ballots no ballots 42,056
MA
Mississippi
3
3,121 63.77 3 1,654 33.80 - no ballots 119 2.43 - 4,894
MS
Missouri
3
1,166 33.97 - 159 4.63 - 2,042 59.50 3 32 0.93 - 3,432
MO
New Hampshire
8
no ballots 9,389 93.59 8 no ballots 643 6.41 - 10,032
NH
New Jersey
8
10,332 52.08 8 8,309 41.89 - no ballots 1,196 6.03 - 19,837
NJ
New York
36
no popular vote 1 no popular vote 26 no popular vote 4 no popular vote 5 -
NY
North Carolina
15
20,231 56.03 15 no ballots no ballots 15,622 43.26 - 36,109
NC
Ohio
16
18,489 36.96 - 12,280 24.55 - 19,255 38.49 16 no ballots 50,024
OH
Pennsylvania
28
35,929 76.04 28 5,436 11.50 - 1,705 3.61 - 4,182 8.85 - 47,252
PA
Rhode Island
4
no ballots 2,145 91.47 4 no ballots 200 8.53 - 2,345
RI
South Carolina
11
no popular vote 11 no popular vote no popular vote no popular vote -
SC
Tennessee
11
20,197 97.45 11 216 1.04 - no ballots 312 1.51 - 20,725
TN
Vermont
7
no popular vote no popular vote 7 no popular vote no popular vote 35,031
VT
Virginia
24
2,975 19.35 - 3,419 22.24 - 419 2.73 - 8,558 55.68 24 15,371
VA
TOTALS:
261
151,363
41.36
99
113,142
30.92
84
47,545
12.99
37
41,032
11.21
41
365,928
US
TO WIN:
131
Breakdown by ticket[edit]
Total
Andrew
Jackson
John Q.
Adams
William H.
Crawford
Henry
Clay
Electoral votes for President: 261 99 84 40 38
For Vice President, John C. Calhoun 182 99 74 2 7
For Vice President, Nathan Sanford 30 2 28
For Vice President, Nathaniel Macon 24 24
For Vice President, Andrew Jackson 13 9 1 3
For Vice President, Martin Van Buren 9 9
For Vice President, Henry Clay 2 2
(No vote for Vice President) 1 1
1825 contingent election[edit]
The voting by state in the House of Representatives. States in orange voted for Adams, states in green for Crawford, and states in blue for Jackson.
Since no candidate received a majority of the electoral votes, the presidential election was thrown into a contingent election in the U.S. House of Representatives. Following the provisions of the Twelfth Amendment, only the top three candidates in the electoral vote were admitted as candidates in the House: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William Harris Crawford. Henry Clay, who happened to be Speaker of the House at the time, was left out. Clay detested Jackson and had said of him, "I cannot believe that killing 2,500 Englishmen at New Orleans qualifies for the various, difficult, and complicated duties of the Chief Magistracy."[20] Moreover, Clay's American System was far closer to Adams' position on tariffs and internal improvements than Jackson's or Crawford's, so Clay threw his support to Adams. Thus Adams was elected President on February 9, 1825, on the first ballot,[21][22] with 13 states, followed by Jackson with 7, and Crawford with 4.
Adams' victory shocked Jackson, who, as the winner of a plurality of both the popular and electoral votes, expected to be elected president. Not long before the results of the House election, an anonymous statement appeared in a Philadelphia paper, called the Columbian Observer. The statement, said to be from a member of Congress, essentially accused Clay of selling Adams his support for the office of Secretary of State. No formal investigation was conducted, so the matter was neither confirmed nor denied. When Clay was indeed offered the position after Adams was victorious, he opted to accept and continue to support the administration he voted for, knowing that declining the position would not have helped to dispel the rumors brought against him.[23] By appointing Clay his Secretary of State, President Adams essentially declared him heir to the Presidency, as Adams and his three predecessors had all served as Secretary of State. Jackson and his followers accused Adams and Clay of striking a "corrupt bargain". The Jacksonians would campaign on this claim for the next four years, ultimately attaining Jackson's victory in the Adams-Jackson rematch in 1828.
Results by state in House of Representatives[edit]
Delegation winner
Adams vote
Jackson vote
Crawford vote
Maine Adams 7 0 0
New Hampshire Adams 6 0 0
Vermont Adams 5 0 0
Massachusetts Adams 12 1 0
Rhode Island Adams 2 0 0
Connecticut Adams 6 0 0
New York Adams 18 2 14
New Jersey Jackson 1 5 0
Pennsylvania Jackson 1 25 0
Delaware Crawford 0 0 1
Maryland Adams 5 3 1
Virginia Crawford 1 1 19
North Carolina Crawford 1 2 10
South Carolina Jackson 0 9 0
Georgia Crawford 0 0 7
Alabama Jackson 0 3 0
Mississippi Jackson 0 1 0
Louisiana Adams 2 1 0
Kentucky Adams 8 4 0
Tennessee Jackson 0 9 0
Missouri Adams 1 0 0
Ohio Adams 10 2 2
Indiana Jackson 0 3 0
Illinois Adams 1 0 0
Total votes[24] Adams 87 (41%) 71 (33%) 54 (25%)
Votes by state Adams 13 (54%) 7 (29%) 4 (17%)
Electoral College selection[edit]
Caucus curs in full yell, by James Akin, 1824 (critique of "the press's treatment of Andrew Jackson, and on the practice of nominating candidates by caucus").[25]
Method of choosing electors
State(s)
Each Elector chosen by voters statewide
Alabama
Connecticut
Indiana
Massachusetts
Mississippi
New Hampshire
New Jersey
North Carolina
Ohio
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
Virginia
Each Elector appointed by state legislature
Delaware
Georgia
Louisiana
New York
South Carolina
Vermont
State is divided into electoral districts, with one Elector chosen per district by the voters of that district
Illinois
Kentucky
Maryland
Missouri
Tennessee
Two Electors chosen by voters statewide
One Elector chosen per Congressional district by the voters of that district
Maine
See also[edit]
Corrupt bargain
Electoral college
History of the United States (1789–1849)
Inauguration of John Quincy Adams
Realigning election
Second Party System
Smoke-filled room
United States House elections, 1824
United States Senate elections, 1824
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e The popular vote figures exclude Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, New York, South Carolina, and Vermont. In all of these states, the Electors were chosen by the state legislatures rather than by popular vote.[18]
Jump up ^ Jackson was nominated by the Tennessee state legislature and by the Democratic Party of Pennsylvania.
Jump up ^ Adams was nominated by the Massachusetts state legislature.
Jump up ^ Crawford was nominated by a caucus of 66 congressmen that called itself the "Democratic members of Congress".
Jump up ^ Clay was nominated by the Kentucky state legislature.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "1824 Presidential election goes to the House". History Channel. Retrieved December 10, 2016.
Jump up ^ Ammon, 1958, p. 4: "The phrase 'Era of Good Feelings", so inextricably associated with the administration of James Monroe ..."
Jump up ^ Ammon, 1958, p. 5: "Most Republicans like former President [James] Madison readily acknowledged the shift that had taken place within the Republican party towards Federalist principles and viewed the process without qualms." And p. 4: "The Republicans had taken over (as they saw it) that which was of permanent value in the Federal program." And p. 10: "Federalists had vanished" from national politics.
Jump up ^ Brown, 1966, p. 23: "a new theory of party amalgamation preached the doctrine that party division was bad and that a one-party system best served the national interest" and "After 1815, stirred by the nationalism of the post-war era, and with the Federalists in decline, the Republicans took up the Federalist positions on a number of the great public issues of the day, sweeping all before them as they did. The Federalists gave up the ghost."
Jump up ^ Brown, 1966, p. 23: The amalgamated Republicans, "as a party of the whole nation ... ceased to be responsive to any particular elements in its constituency. It ceased to be responsive to the South." And "The insistence that slavery was uniquely a Southern concern, not to be touched by outsiders, had been from the outset a sine qua non for Southern participation in national politics. It underlay the Constitution and its creation of a government of limited powers ..."
Jump up ^ Brown, 1966, p. 24: "Not only did the Missouri crisis make these matters clear [the need to revive strict constructionist principles and quiet anti-slavery agitation], but 'it gave marked impetus to a reaction against nationalism and amalgamation of postwar Republicanism'" and the rise of the Old Republicans.
Jump up ^ Ammon, 1971 (James Monroe bio) p. 463: "The problems presented by the [consequences of promoting Federalist economic nationalism] gave an opportunity to the older, more conservative [Old] Republicans to reassert themselves by attributing the economic dislocation to a departure from the principles of the Jeffersonian era."
Jump up ^ Parsons, 2009, p. 56: "Animosity between Federalists and Republicans had been replaced by animosity between Republicans themselves, often over the same issues that had once separated them from the Federalists."
Jump up ^ Wilentz, 2008, p. 251–252: "The panic ... was pivotal ... the hard times of 1819 and early 1820s revive[d] ... fundamental questions about the nationalist economic policies of the new-style Republicans under Madison and Monroe, and focused inchoate popular resentments on the banks, especially the Second BUS." p. 252: "The Missouri controversy ... proved for more important than the [incidental] outbursts."
Jump up ^ Wilentz, 2008, p. 252: "Both the panic and the Missouri debates underscored in different ways the overriding question of democracy as Americans perceived it. In economic matters, the questions arose primarily as a matter of privilege. Should unelected private interests, well connected to government, be permitted to control, to their own benefit, the economic destiny of the entire nation?"
Jump up ^ Hofstadter, 1947, p. 51: The "general mass of the disaffection to the Government was not sufficiently concentrated to prevent re-election, unopposed, of President Monroe in 1820 in the absence of a national opposition party; but it soon transformed politics in many states. Debtors rushed into politics to defend themselves, and secured moratoriums and relief laws from the legislatures of several Western states ... A popular demand arose for laws to prevent imprisonment for debt, for a national bankruptcy law, and for a new tariff and public land policies. For the first time Americans thought of politics as having an intimate relation to their welfare."
Jump up ^ Ratcliffe, Donald (2015). The One-Party Presidential Contest: Adams, Jackson, and 1824's Five-Horse Race. [full citation needed]
Jump up ^ Bradley, Harold. "Andrew Jackson". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica, inc. Retrieved September 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ Hansen, Liane (October 5, 2008). "Songs Along The Campaign Trail". Election 2008: On The Campaign Trail (Radio series episode). National Public Radio.
Jump up ^ Hay, Thomas R. (October 1934). "John C. Calhoun and the Presidential Campaign of 1824, Some Unpublished Calhoun Letters". The American Historical Review. 40 (1). doi:10.1086/ahr/40.1.82. JSTOR 1838676.
Jump up ^ McNamara, R. (September 2007). "The Election of 1824 Was Decided in the House of Representatives". About.com. Retrieved October 27, 2008.
Jump up ^ Schimler, Stuart (February 12, 2002). "Singing to the Oval Office: A Written History of the Political Campaign Song". President Elect Articles. Retrieved October 28, 2008.
Jump up ^ Leip, David. "1824 Presidential Election Results". Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections. Retrieved July 26, 2005.
Jump up ^ "Electoral College Box Scores 1789–1996". National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved July 30, 2005.
Jump up ^ Henry Clay to Francis Preston Blair, January 29, 1825.[full citation needed]
Jump up ^ Adams, John Quincy; Adams, Charles Francis (1874). Memoirs of John Quincy Adams: Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848. J.B. Lippincott & Co. pp. 501–505. ISBN 0-8369-5021-6. Retrieved August 2, 2006 – via Google Books.
Jump up ^ United States Congress (1825). House Journal. 18th Congress, 2nd Session, February 9. pp. 219–222. Retrieved August 2, 2006.
Jump up ^ Schlesinger, Arthur Meier; Israel, Fred L. (1971). History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, Volume I, 1789–1844. New York: Chelsea House. pp. 379–381. ISBN 0070797862. Retrieved November 19, 2008 – via Google Books.
Jump up ^ McMaster, J. B. (1900). History of the People of the United States.. vol. V. New York: D. Appleton and Company. p. 81. Reprinted in Bemis, Samuel Flagg (1965). John Quincy Adams and the Union. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 54.
Jump up ^ Akin (1824). "Caucus curs in full yell, or a war whoop, to saddle on the people, a pappoose president / J[ames] Akin, Aquafortis". Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Sources[edit]
Ammons, Harry. 1959. "James Monroe and the Era of Good Feelings". Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXVI, No. 4 (October 1958), pp. 387–398, in Essays on Jacksonian America, Ed. Frank Otto Gatell. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970.
Brown, Richard H. 1966. "The Missouri Crisis, Slavery, and the Politics of Jacksonianism". South Atlantic Quarterly, pp. 55–72, in Essays on Jacksonian America, Ed. Frank Otto Gatell. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970.
Dangerfield, George. 1965. The Awakening of American Nationalism: 1815-1828. New York: Harper & Row.
Wilentz, Sean. 2008. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln. New York: Horton.
Further reading[edit]
Brown, Everett S. (1925). "The Presidential Election of 1824–1825". Political Science Quarterly: 384–403. JSTOR 2142211.
Kolodny, Robin (1996). "The Several Elections of 1824". Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Capital Studies. 23 (2).
Nagel, Paul C. (1960). "The Election of 1824: A Reconsideration Based on Newspaper Opinion". Journal of Southern History: 315–329. JSTOR 2204522.
Ratcliffe, Donald J. The One-Party Presidential Contest: Adams, Jackson, and 1824's Five-Horse Race (University Press of Kansas, 2015) xiv, 354 pp.
Murphy, Sharon Ann. "A Not-So-Corrupt Bargain". Review of The One-Party Presidential Contest: Adams, Jackson and 1824's Five-Horse Race by Donald Ratcliffe. Common-place, Vol. 16, No. 4.
External links[edit]
"A Historical Analysis of the Electoral College". The Green Papers. Retrieved March 20, 2005.
Presidential Election of 1824: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
Election of 1824 in Counting the Votes
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Handicap (golf)
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This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (July 2010) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
A golf handicap is a numerical measure of a golfer's potential ability.
In stroke play, it is used to calculate a net score from the number of strokes actually played during a competition, thus allowing players of different proficiency to play against each other on somewhat equal terms. In match play, the handicap difference between players is used to determine the number of strokes the high handicap player should receive from the low handicapper during the playing of their round. The higher the handicap of a player, the poorer the player is relative to those with lower handicaps. Official handicaps are administered by golf clubs with regional and national golf associations providing additional peer reviewing for low and very low handicaps respectively. Exact rules relating to handicaps can vary from country to country.
Handicap systems are not used in professional golf. Amateur golfers who are members of golf clubs are generally eligible for official handicaps on payment of the prevailing regional and national association annual fees. Other systems, often free of charge, are available to golfers who are ineligible for official handicaps.
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
2 Course rating and slope
3 Calculating a score
4 Specific example
5 Slope rating
6 Peer review
7 History of the USGA system
8 Handicapping in the United Kingdom and Ireland
9 EGA Handicap System
10 Australian handicap system
11 Other systems
11.1 Peoria System
11.2 Callaway System
11.3 Scheid System
11.4 System 36
12 References
13 External links
Overview[edit]
A USGA handicap is calculated with a specific arithmetic formula that approximates how many strokes above or below par a player might be able to play, based on the ten best scores of their last twenty rounds. The R&A (now a separate organization from the Royal and Ancient Golf Club), based in St Andrews, Scotland has no jurisdiction over handicapping. The administration of handicapping systems in countries affiliated to the R&A is the responsibility of the national golf associations of those countries. These bodies specify slightly different ways to perform this calculation for players. The details of these calculations are presented below.
A golfer's net score is determined by subtracting the player's handicap from the gross score (the number of strokes actually taken). The net scores of all the competing golfers are compared and (generally) the person with the lowest score wins.
Contrary to popular opinion, a player's handicap is intended to show a player's potential, not a player's average score. The frequency by which a player will play to their handicap is a function of that golfer's handicap, as low handicappers are statistically more consistent than higher handicappers. The USGA refers to this as the "average best" method. So in a large, handicapped competition, the golfer who shoots the best with respect to his abilities and the normal variations of the score should win.
While there are many variations in detail, handicap systems are generally based on calculating an individual player's playing ability from his recent history of rounds. Therefore, a handicap is not fixed but is regularly adjusted to increases or decreases in a player's scoring.
In the United States, handicaps are calculated using several variables: The player's scores from his most recent rounds, and the course rating and slope from those rounds. A handicap differential is calculated from the scores, using the course slope and rating, and the player's handicap differentials are used to calculate the player's handicap.
A golfer whose handicap is zero is called a scratch golfer. A golfer whose handicap is approximately 18 is called a bogey golfer.[1][dead link]
Course rating and slope[edit]
Main article: Slope rating
In the United States each officially rated golf course is described by two numbers: the course rating and the slope rating. The course rating of a particular course is a number generally between 67 and 77 that is used to measure the average "good score" by a scratch golfer on that course. The slope rating of a particular course is a number between 55 and 155 that describes the relative difficulty of a course for a bogey golfer compared to a scratch golfer. These two numbers are used to calculate a player's handicap differential, which is used to adjust a player's score in relation to par according to the slope and rating of the course. The slope rating for a golf course of average difficulty is 113.[2]
For each officially posted round, the player's handicap differential is calculated according to the following formula:
Handicap differential = ( Equitable Stroke Control − course rating ) × 113 slope rating {\displaystyle {\mbox{Handicap differential}}={\frac {({\mbox{Equitable Stroke Control}}-{\mbox{course rating}})\times 113}{\mbox{slope rating}}}}
ESC score is the number of strokes for a round, after equitable score control adjustment, which allows for a maximum number of strokes per hole, for handicap computation purposes only, based on the player's course handicap.
The differential is rounded to the nearest tenth.
The handicap index is then calculated using the average of the best 10 differentials of the player's past 20 total rounds, multiplied by 0.96. Any digits in the handicap index after the tenths are truncated. If a golfer has at least 5 but fewer than 20 rounds posted, the index is calculated using from one to nine differentials according to the following schedule:
Number of rounds
Differentials to use
5 or 6 lowest 1
7 or 8 lowest 2
9 or 10 lowest 3
11 or 12 lowest 4
13 or 14 lowest 5
15 or 16 lowest 6
17 lowest 7
18 lowest 8
19 lowest 9
Updates to a golfer's index are calculated periodically according to schedules provided by state and regional golf associations.
The handicap index is used with the course's slope rating to determine the golfer's course handicap according to the following formula:
Course Handicap = ( Handicap index × Slope Rating ) 113 {\displaystyle {\mbox{Course Handicap}}={\frac {({\mbox{Handicap index}}\times {\mbox{Slope Rating}})}{113}}}
The course rating is not used to determine a course handicap. The result is rounded to the nearest whole number.
The course handicap is the number of strokes to be deducted from the golfer's gross score to determine the net score.
For example, the following table shows the impact of the same score at two different tee positions at the same course, and the resulting handicap differential:
White tees:
Gross score: 85
Course rating: 69.3
Course slope: 117
Yields a handicap differential of 15.2. If this golfer's handicap index is 10.5, the course handicap would be ( 10.5 × 117 ) 113 = 11 {\displaystyle {\frac {({\mbox{10.5}}\times {\mbox{117}})}{113}}=11} and the net score would be 85 − 11 = 74.
Blue tees:
Gross score: 85
Course rating: 71.9
Course slope: 124
Yields a handicap differential of 11.9. If this golfer's handicap index is 10.5, the course handicap would be ( 10.5 × 124 ) 113 = 12 {\displaystyle {\frac {({\mbox{10.5}}\times {\mbox{124}})}{113}}=12} and the net score would be 85 − 12 = 73.
Additionally, before making the above calculation, the gross score must be adjusted using the equitable score control table, which removes the effect of abnormally high individual hole scores by establishing a maximum score per hole depending on the player's handicap index. For example, a golfer with a course handicap of 20 through 29 can record a maximum of 8 strokes on any one hole for handicap calculation purposes only.
Calculating a score[edit]
The handicap is used to determine on which holes a player (or team) is granted extra strokes. These are then used to calculate a "net" score from the number of strokes actually played ("gross" score).
To find how many strokes a player is given, the procedures differ between match play and stroke play. In match play, the difference between the players' (or teams') handicaps is distributed among the holes to be played. For example, if 18 holes are played, player A's handicap is 24, and player B's handicap is 14, then A is granted ten strokes: one on each of the ten holes identified by the handicap numbers 1 through 10 on the scorecard and no strokes on the remaining eight. If A's handicap is 36 and B's handicap is 14, A is granted 22 strokes: one on each of the 18 holes to be played, and an additional one on each of the four holes identified by the handicap numbers 1 through 4 on the scorecard.
The procedure in stroke play is similar, but each player's individual handicap (rather than the difference between two players' handicaps) is used to calculate extra strokes. Therefore, a player with handicap 10 is granted one stroke on each of the ten holes identified by the handicap numbers 1 through 10 on the scorecard and no extra strokes on the remaining eight. A player with a handicap of 22 is granted 22 strokes: one on each of the 18 holes and an additional one on each of the four holes identified by the handicap numbers 1 through 4 on the scorecard.
Example for the calculation of "net" results: Assume that A is granted one stroke on a par four hole and player B is granted none. If A plays six strokes and B plays five, their "net" scores are equal. Therefore, in match play the hole is halved; in stroke play both have played a "net" bogey (one over par). If both play five strokes, A has played better by one "net" stroke. Therefore, in match play A wins the hole; in stroke play A has played a "net" par and B a "net" bogey.
Specific example[edit]
Scott
Craig
Minty
Danny
Les
14.8 9.9 1.5 26.4 12.4
Let's say that we have five golfers: Scott, Craig, Minty, Danny, and Les of various abilities who are in a competition against each other. To the right are the players and their handicap indices. The course (from the tees being played) has the following slope: 120.
Name
Calc.
Real
Rounded
Scott (120/113) * 14.8 15.72 16
Craig (120/113) * 9.9 10.51 11
Minty (120/113) * 1.5 1.59 2
Danny (120/113) * 26.4 28.04 28
Les (120/113) * 12.4 13.17 13
So, using the formulas above, here are their course handicaps from the tees being played (note that only the slope is used to determine the handicap):
Name
Gross
Net
Scott 91 91 - 16 = 75
Craig 86 86 - 11 = 75
Minty 74 74 - 2 = 72
Danny 99 99 - 28 = 71
Les 88 88 - 13 = 75
And, finally, to the right are their gross and their net scores. Danny wins because he is the only one in the group who actually shot better than his handicap.
Slope rating[edit]
The slope rating is the USGA mark that indicates the measurement of the relative difficulty for a bogey golfer compared to the course rating. Slope rating is computed from the difference between the bogey rating and the course rating. The lowest slope rating is 55 and the highest is 155. The average slope rating is 113. To compute the handicap strokes from a given set of tees on a specific course with a slope of "s" given a handicap index of "h," the following formula is used: (s/113)*h rounded to the nearest integer. NOTE: In the bogey formula calculation 5.381 is a set factor for men (4.24 for women) regardless of course rating etc..
Example: A male golfer plays a course with Slope Rating 126, and Course Rating 72.5. Per the formula, compute 126 / 5.381 + 72.5 = 95.9 - which predicts the bogey golfer's average of his ten best (out of twenty) scores would be approximately 95.9 from this particular set of tees. Based on the above, the correct formula would be (126/113)18 + 72.5 = 92.5 for a bogey golfer on a slope rating 126 course.
Peer review[edit]
In golf clubs, peer review is usually managed by an elected Handicap Secretary who, supported by a small committee, conducts an Annual Review of the handicaps of all members and assesses ad hoc requests from individual members (usually when age or medium to long term infirmity affects their playing ability). This gives a uniformity to handicapping across their club for the setting and maintenance of handicaps with the objective of establishing fair competition between golfers of all abilities.
At regional level, peer review is extended to include rigorous validation of the handicap returns of low handicap golfers. This ensures that only golfers of an appropriate standard gain entry to their elite tournaments. Occasionally, golfers are excluded from the elite game as a consequence of being found to abuse the system. To a degree, these regional bodies also monitor the performance of and provide training for Handicap Secretaries at the club level.
Nationally, the peer review is extended further to assessing golfers from external jurisdictions for their suitability for entry into their elite international events. They also play a large part in periodic reviews of the handicapping system itself for the purpose of improving it for the future.
History of the USGA system[edit]
The USGA has often resorted to the courts to protect the integrity of its handicap system. In one such case, the California Court of Appeal (First District) summarized the system's history:
“ The USGA was founded in 1894. One of its chief contributions to the game of golf in the United States has been its development and maintenance since 1911 of the USGA handicap system ... designed to enable individual golf players of different abilities to compete fairly with one another. Because permitting individual golfers to issue their own handicaps to themselves would inevitably lead to inequities and abuse, the peer review provided by authorized golf clubs and associations has always been an essential part of the [system]. Therefore, in order to protect the integrity and credibility of its [handicap system], the USGA has consistently followed a policy of only permitting authorized golf associations and clubs to issue USGA handicaps ... In 1979, USGA assembled a handicap research team to investigate widespread criticisms of USGA's then-existing handicap formula. The research team invested approximately a decade and up to $2 million conducting intensive analysis and evaluation of the various factors involved in developing a more accurate and satisfactory [system]. As a result, the research team developed new handicap formulas ... designed to measure the overall difficulty of golf courses, compare individual golfers with other golfers of all abilities, take account of differences between tournament and casual play, and adjust aberrant scores on individual holes. USGA subsequently adopted and implemented these new [f]ormulas between 1987 and 1993.[3] ”
Handicapping in the United Kingdom and Ireland[edit]
In the UK and Republic of Ireland, a "scratch score" system was previously in place in order to rate courses and be fair to golfers of varying ability, and to make allowances that courses may play "easier" or "harder" than par, overall, to the amateur field. For this reason, a "standard scratch score" (SSS) is used as a baseline for how the course plays in practice (e.g. an SSS lower than par indicates a course which golfers find slightly easier, and vice versa).
Akin to the SSS is the Competition Scratch Score (CSS). The principle is the same, only this describes how easy or difficult the course played during a given competition. It is against this CSS score that a player's handicap is adjusted by the club. Golfers with a handicap of 5 or lower are said to be Category 1 players. Higher handicap players are categorised as Category 2, 3, or 4. For every stroke the Category 1 golfer's net score is below the CSS, his handicap is reduced by 0.1. For Category 2 golfers, this figure is 0.2, for Category 3 golfers it is a 0.3 reduction, and 0.4 for Category 4 golfers.
Similarly, amateur golfers are allowed a buffer zone to protect their handicap on "off-days". For Cat 1 this is 1 stroke, for Cat 2 this is 2 strokes, etc. This means that if a Category 1 golfer's net score is one stroke higher than the CSS, his handicap will not increase. If a golfer's net score is higher than the CSS plus buffer zone combined, his handicap will increase by 0.1. This 0.1 increase covers all golfers and does not vary by category.
The Home Unions of England (England Golf), Scotland, Wales and Ireland are members of the Council of National Golf Unions (CONGU), who publish the handicapping rules for both men and women.
Although they can be done manually, computer software now must be used to calculate the CSS and in Ireland and England handicaps are now published to a Centralised Database of Handicaps (CDH). CDHs are also being introduced in Scotland and Wales in 2011.
EGA Handicap System[edit]
The EGA Handicap System is the EGA’s (European Golf Association) method of evaluating golf abilities so that players of different standards can compete in handicap events on equal terms.
An EGA Playing Handicap is the number of Handicap Strokes a player receives for a specific set of Tees at the course being played. The Playing Handicap is expressed as a whole number (0.5 is rounded upwards, -0,5 (“plus” 0.5) rounds upwards to 0 (scratch) and -1.5 (“plus” 1.5) to -1 (“plus” 1).
Note 1: If a player’s Playing Handicap is negative (a so-called “Plus” Playing Handicap) he gives Handicap Strokes to the course, commencing at stroke index 18.
Note 2: The Playing Handicap is considered to be the “Handicap” referred to in Rule 6-2 of the Rules of Golf.
The EGA Playing Handicap Formula converts EGA Exact Handicaps into EGA Playing Handicaps:
Playing Handicap = Exact Handicap x (Slope Rating / 113) + (Course Rating - Par)
Under the EGA system, final scores might be amended using the Competition Stableford Adjustment method.
Australian handicap system[edit]
Australian golf handicaps are maintained by GOLFLink which was a world-first computerised handicapping system developed by Golf Australia’s predecessor, the Australian Golf Union in the 1990s. The AGU operated from 1898 until it merged with Women's Golf to form GA in 2006. Together with its State/Territory bodies, GA represents 445,000 amateur golfers belonging to 1530 Golf Clubs, and sits alongside bodies representing the Pros, Superintendents, Managers and Architects. When GOLFLink was first introduced it contained two key characteristics that set it apart from other world handicapping systems:
It relied on a Calculated Course Rating to determine how difficult the course was on the day, and upon which handicap adjustment was made.
It utilised a 'swipe' card that enabled a player to access his handicap from any GOLFLink terminal in Australia.
In April 2010 GA adopted the USGA calculation method using the average of the best 10 differentials of the player's past 20 total rounds, multiplied by 0.96. In September 2011 this was altered to the best 8 out of 20 rounds, multiplied by 0.93. In addition an ‘anchor’ was introduced so that no player is permitted to increase his handicap by more than 5 (since 23 January 2014)[4] in a rolling 12-month period. The reasons for these changes were cited to restore equity between high and low markers.
Rather than introduce the USGA slope system, GA intended to introduce a more sophisticated version of CCR – The Daily Scratch Rating (by March 2013).[5] "Designed around the feedback of Australian clubs," this new system was implemented 23 January 2014.[6]
Other systems[edit]
For the handicapping of golfers who are ineligible for an official handicap, a number of system options are available:
Peoria System[edit]
The Peoria System[7] was designed for the handicapping of all players competing in an event such as a charity or corporate golf day. Before play commences, the organisers secretly select 6 holes (in readiness for handicapping purposes later) from the course to be played. When players have completed their rounds, they apply the Peoria algorithm to their scores on the selected holes to determine their handicap for that round. They then simply subtract that handicap from their gross score to give their net score - and the winner is determined in the usual way.
Callaway System[edit]
The Callaway System[8] was designed with the same objective as Peoria. The Callaway handicapping algorithm works by totaling a variable number of "worst" scores achieved (subject to a double-par limit) according to a simple table. A couple of adjustments are then made to this total to give the player's handicap, which is then applied to their gross score as normal.
Scheid System[edit]
The Scheid System[9] is similar to the Callaway System, except a different version of the table is used.
System 36[edit]
System 36[10] is a same-day handicapping system similar in function to Callaway System and Peoria System. Throughout the round, the golfer accrues points based on the following formula:
Double bogey or worse: 0 points
Bogey: 1 point
Par or better: 2 points
At the end of the round, points earned are tallied. The total is subtracted from 36, and the resulting number is the golfer's handicap allowance. His net score can then be computed using his System 36 handicap allowance.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "USGA Handicap System Manual". USGA.org. United States Golf Association. Retrieved June 18, 2011.
Jump up ^ Kelley, Brent. "What is Slope Rating at Golf Courses?". About.com. Retrieved 20 May 2014.
Jump up ^ United States Golf Ass'n v. Arroyo Software Corp., 69 Cal. App. 4th 607 (1999).
Jump up ^ "Handicaps under Scope". golf.org.au. Golf Australia. Retrieved 2 April 2016.
Jump up ^ "DSR Q&A". golf.org.au. Golf Australia. Retrieved 20 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "New G.A. Handicap System information". GolfLink.com.au. 28 January 2014. Retrieved September 12, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Peoria System". golf.about.com. Retrieved 10 Feb 2015.
Jump up ^ "Callaway System". golf.about.com. Retrieved 10 Feb 2015.
Jump up ^ "The Scheid System". www.myscorecard.com. Retrieved 23 Oct 2015.
Jump up ^ "System 36". golf.about.com. Retrieved 24 May 2016.
External links[edit]
USGA Handicap System (used in the United States and Mexico)
Unified Handicapping System by the Council of National Golf Unions (used in Great Britain and Ireland)
South African Golf Association Handicap System (used in South Africa)
Golf handicap FAQ (US rules)
EGA Handicap System (used in continental Europe)
Golf handicap calculator
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Bay of Pigs
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the geographical location. For the 1961 invasion at the bay, see Bay of Pigs Invasion. For the 2009 EP by Destroyer, see Bay of Pigs (EP).
Not to be confused with Pig's Bay.
Coordinates: 22°13′N 81°10′W / 22.217°N 81.167°W / 22.217; -81.167
Geographical location of the Bay of Pigs
Bahia de Cochinos 1961
The Bay of Pigs (Spanish: Bahía de Cochinos) is an inlet of the Gulf of Cazones located on the southern coast of Cuba. By 1910, it was included in Santa Clara Province, and then instead to Las Villas Province by 1961, but in 1976, it was reassigned to Matanzas Province, when the original six provinces of Cuba were re-organized into 14 new Provinces of Cuba.
Contents
[hide]
1 Geography
2 History
3 Etymology
4 See also
5 References
6 Bibliography
7 External links
Geography[edit]
This bay is approximately 30 kilometers South of Jagüey Grande, 70 kilometers west of the city of Cienfuegos, and 150 kilometers southeast from the capital city Havana. On the western side of the bay, coral reefs border the main Zapata Swamp, part of the Zapata Peninsula. On the eastern side, beaches border margins of firm ground with mangroves and extensive areas of swampland to the north and east. At the north end of the bay, the village of Buena Ventura is adjacent to Playa Larga (Long Beach). 35 kilometers southeast of that, Playa Girón (Giron Beach) at the village of Girón, named after the notorious French pirate Gilberto Giron (c. 1604).[1]
Sunset on Playa Girón
History[edit]
Playa Girón and Playa Larga were the landing sites for seaborne forces of armed Cuban exiles in the Bay of Pigs Invasion, an American CIA-sponsored attempt to overthrow the new government of Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro in April 1961.
According to Fidel Castro's former bodyguard, the late Juan Reinaldo Sánchez, Castro lived in great luxury and had a private island in the Bay of Pigs, replete with "mansions, guest houses, a heliport, dolphinarium, turtle lagoon, his luxury yacht Aquarama – a gift from Leonid Brezhnev – and deep-sea fishing speedboat".[2]
Etymology[edit]
In Cuban Spanish, cochinos may also mean the queen triggerfish (Balistes vetula), which inhabits coral reefs in Bahía de Cochinos, not swine (Sus scrofa).[3][4]
See also[edit]
Geography of Cuba
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Rodríguez Cruz 1999, p. 115.
Jump up ^ "i" newspaper – 3 June 2015 p. 12
Jump up ^ Claro, Rodolfo; García-Arteaga, Juan P.; Gobert, Bertrand; Cantelar Ramos, Karel (13 May 2003). "Tabla 2. Pesos y tallas mínimos legales en Cuba y proporción de peces con tallas inferiores en las capturas con chinchorros y nasas de la empresa pesquera de Caibarién" (pdf). Situación actual de los recursos pesqueros del Archipiélago Sabana-Camagüey, Cuba. Invemar. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
Jump up ^ "Common Names List - Balistes vetula". Fishbase.org. Retrieved 2015-04-17.
Bibliography[edit]
Rodríguez Cruz, Juan Carlos (1999). Bay of Pigs and the CIA. Melbourne: Ocean Press. p. 212. ISBN 1-875284-98-2.
Wyden, Peter. 1979. Bay of Pigs – The Untold Story. Simon and Schuster. New York. ISBN 0-671-24006-4 ISBN 0224017543 ISBN 978-0-671-24006-6
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Bay of Pigs.
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