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Never Gonna Give You Up
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This article is about the Rick Astley song. For other uses, see Never Gonna Give You Up (disambiguation).
Not to be confused with the Barry White song, Never, Never Gonna Give Ya Up.
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
Single by Rick Astley
from the album Whenever You Need Somebody
Released
27 July 1987[1]
Format
7"
12"
CD
Genre
Dance-pop[2][3]
blue-eyed soul[4]
Length
3:35 (album version)
3:32 (7" vocal mix)
3:30 (instrumental version)
Label
RCA
Songwriter(s)
Stock Aitken Waterman
Producer(s)
Stock Aitken Waterman
Rick Astley singles chronology
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
(1987) "Learning to Live (Without Your Love)"
(1987)
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
(1987) "Learning to Live (Without Your Love)"
(1987)
Whenever You Need Somebody track listing
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
(1) "Whenever You Need Somebody"
(2)
Audio sample
file
help
Music video
"Never Gonna Give You Up" on YouTube
"Never Gonna Give You Up" is a song recorded by British singer and songwriter Rick Astley, released as a single on 27 July 1987. It was written and produced by Stock Aitken Waterman. The song was released as the first single from his debut album, Whenever You Need Somebody (1987). The song was a worldwide number-one hit, initially in the singer's native United Kingdom in 1987, where it stayed at the top of the chart for five weeks and was the best-selling single of that year. It eventually topped the charts in 25 countries, including the United States and West Germany.[5]
The song won Best British Single at the 1988 Brit Awards. In 1990, Nick Lowe quoted from the song and called it "ghastly" in the lyrics to "All Men Are Liars", a song on his album Party of One. In 2004, "Never Gonna Give You Up" was voted number 28 in 50 Most Awesomely Bad Songs... Ever by VH1.
The music video for the song has become the basis for the "Rickrolling" Internet meme, leading the song to have an alternate name "The Rickroll Song". In 2008, Astley won the MTV Europe Music Award for Best Act Ever with the song, as a result of collective voting from thousands of people on the internet, due to the popular phenomenon of Rickrolling.[6] The song is considered Astley's signature song and it is often played at the end of his live concerts.
Contents
[hide]
1 Production
2 Original success
3 Rickrolling
4 Cover versions
5 Music video
6 Track listings
7 Personnel
8 Charts and certifications
8.1 Weekly charts
8.2 Year-end charts
8.3 Certifications and sales
9 See also
10 References
11 External links
Production[edit]
"Never Gonna Give You Up" was recorded at PWL Studios in South London, England. The song's basslines were produced using a Yamaha DX7 digital synthesizer, while a Linn 9000 was used for the drums and sequencing. Other equipment used included a Roland Juno 106 analog synthesizer, and Yamaha Rev5 and Rev7 reverberators.[7]
Original success[edit]
On 12 March 1988, "Never Gonna Give You Up" reached number one in the American Billboard Hot 100[8] after having been played by resident DJ, Larry Levan, at the Paradise Garage in 1987.[9] The single topped the charts in 25 countries worldwide.[5]
Rickrolling[edit]
Main article: Rickrolling
"Never Gonna Give You Up" is the subject of a popular Internet prank known as "rickrolling" involving misleading links (commonly shortened URLs) redirecting to the song's music video.[10] Originally started by users on 4chan, by May 2007, the practice had achieved notoriety on the Internet, and it increased in popularity after its use as a 2008 April Fools' Day joke by various media companies and websites, including YouTube rickrolling all of its featured videos on that day and websites allowing people to rickroll their friends' devices.[11]
In "a couple of weeks",[attribution needed] about 13 million people had been tricked into watching Astley's video, the BBC reported on 1 April 2008. "I think it's just one of those odd things where something gets picked up and people run with it", Astley told the Los Angeles Times in late March 2008, adding: "That's what's brilliant about the Internet."[12][13]
Astley also appeared in the 2008 Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade interrupting a song performed by those on a float promoting the Cartoon Network program Foster's Home for Imaginary Friends with a lipsynched performance of "Never Gonna Give You Up".
There were reports that despite the video garnering millions of hits on YouTube, Astley earned almost no money from the online phenomenon, receiving only $12 USD in royalties from YouTube for his performance share, as of August 2010,[14] but Astley denied those reports in 2016.[15]
Cover versions[edit]
In 1997, French band 2Be3 covered the song under the name "Toujours là pour toi", which had success in France (No. 4) and Belgium (Wallonia) (No. 12).[16]
In 1999, an Italian cover entitled "Non ti lascerò" was made by Fiorello.[17]
Eurobeat artist Kevin Johnson covered the song in 2004 for the album Super Eurobeat 149.[18]
A group of London dance producers called The Rickrollerz made a house music cover version of "Never Gonna Give You Up".[19] In May 2008, the track entered the UK Club Charts at no. 22.
In August 2007, internet celebrity and singer Tay Zonday covered the song.[20]
On 25 November 2008, Barry Manilow released a version of the song on his The Greatest Songs of the Eighties album.[21]
In 2008, Ashley Tisdale released a cover of the song, along with three other songs of the 80s.[22]
Music video[edit]
On 24 October 2009, the music video for "Never Gonna Give You Up" was uploaded to YouTube. It has more than 440 million views as of June 2018.[23]
Track listings[edit]
7" single
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (7" Vocal Mix) – 3:32
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Instrumental) – 3:30
12" maxi
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Cake mix) – 5:46
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Instrumental) – 6:19
"Never Gonna Give You Up" – 3:32
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Escape to New York mix) – 7:01
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Escape from Newton mix) – 6:23
12" maxi
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Cake mix) – 5:48
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Instrumental) – 3:30
"Never Gonna Give You Up" – 3:32
12" single
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Escape from Newton mix) – 6:30
"Never Gonna Give You Up" (Escape to New York mix) – 7:00
Personnel[edit]
Written and produced by: Stock, Aitken & Waterman
Engineer: Mark McGuire, Bill Gee, Mike Duffy, Jon Herroon
Tape Operator: Burni Adams
Mixed by:
Escape from Newton mix: Mixmaster Pete Hammond
Escape to New York mix: The Extra Beat Boys
Charts and certifications[edit]
Weekly charts[edit]
Chart (1987–1988)
Peak
position
Australia (ARIA Charts)[24] 1
Austria (Ö3 Austria Top 40)[25] 4
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[26] 1
Canada (The Record)[27] 1
Canada Adult Contemporary (RPM)[28] 1
Canada Top Singles (RPM)[29] 1
Denmark[30] 1
Finland (Suomen virallinen lista)[30] 1
France (SNEP)[31] 6
Germany (Official German Charts)[32] 1
Iceland (RÚV)[33] 5
Ireland (IRMA)[34] 2
Italy (FIMI)[35] 3
Netherlands (Dutch Top 40)[36] 1
Netherlands (Single Top 100)[37] 1
New Zealand (Recorded Music NZ)[38] 1
Norway (VG-lista)[39] 1
South Africa (Springbok Radio)[40] 1
Spain (AFYVE)[41] 1
Sweden (Sverigetopplistan)[42] 1
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[43] 2
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[44] 1
US Adult Contemporary (Billboard)[45] 1
US Billboard Hot 100[46] 1
US Cash Box Top 100[47] 1
US Dance Club Songs (Billboard)[48] 1
US Hot Dance Music/Maxi-Singles Sales (Billboard)[46] 1
Chart (2008)
Peak
position
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[49] 73
Year-end charts[edit]
Chart (1987)
Position
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[50] 7
France (IFOP)[51] 39
Germany (Media Control Charts) 14
Italy (FIMI)[35] 13
Netherlands (Dutch Top 40)[52] 6
Netherlands (Single Top 100)[53] 5
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[54] 20
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[55] 1
Chart (1988)
Position
Australia (ARIA)[56] 8
South Africa (Springbok Radio)[57] 1
US Billboard Adult Contemporary[58] 8
US Billboard Hot 100[59] 4
US Cash Box[60] 2
Certifications and sales[edit]
Region
Certification
Certified units/Sales
Australia (ARIA)[24]
Gold 35,000^
Canada (Music Canada)[61]
Gold 50,000^
France (SNEP)[62]
Silver 267,000[63]
Germany (BVMI)[64]
Gold 250,000^
Netherlands (NVPI)[65]
Platinum 100,000^
Sweden (GLF)[66]
Gold 25,000^
United Kingdom (BPI)[67]
Platinum 1,000,000[68]
United States (RIAA)[69]
Gold 500,000^
*sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone
See also[edit]
List of best-selling singles by year in the United Kingdom
List of Billboard Hot 100 number-one singles of 1988
List of Cash Box Top 100 number-one singles of 1988
List of Dutch Top 40 number-one singles of 1987
List of number-one adult contemporary singles of 1988 (U.S.)
List of number-one dance singles of 1988 (U.S.)
List of number-one singles in Australia during the 1980s
List of number-one singles from the 1980s (New Zealand)
List of number-one singles of 1988 (Canada)
List of number-one hits of 1987 (Germany)
List of number-one songs in Norway
List of number-one singles and albums in Sweden
List of number-one singles of 1987 (Spain)
List of UK Singles Chart number ones of the 1980s
VG-lista 1964 to 1994
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ White, Jack (14 June 2018). "Rick Astley's Never Gonna Give You Up and Don't Look Back in Anger by Oasis are the latest songs to pass one million sales in the UK". Official Charts Company. Retrieved 20 June 2018.
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External links[edit]
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
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Rick Astley
Discography
Studio albums
Whenever You Need Somebody
Hold Me in Your Arms
Free
Body & Soul
Keep It Turned On
Portrait
My Red Book
50
Beautiful Life
Compilations
Together Forever – Greatest Hits and More...
Greatest Hits
Love Songs
Artist Collection: Rick Astley
Ultimate Collection
Remix albums
Dance Mixes
12" Collection
Singles
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
"Whenever You Need Somebody"
"When I Fall in Love" / "My Arms Keep Missing You"
"Together Forever"
"It Would Take a Strong Strong Man"
"She Wants to Dance with Me"
"Take Me to Your Heart"
"Don't Say Goodbye"
"Hold Me in Your Arms"
"Giving Up on Love"
"Ain't Too Proud to Beg"
"Cry for Help"
"Move Right Out"
"Never Knew Love"
"The Ones You Love"
"Hopelessly"
"Sleeping"
"Keep It Turned On
"Lights Out"
"Keep Singing"
"Angels on My Side"
Related articles
Rickrolling
Book
Category
show
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Best-selling singles by year in the United Kingdom
1952–1969
1952: "Auf Wiederseh'n Sweetheart" – Vera Lynn (UK)
1953: "I Believe" – Frankie Laine
1954: "Secret Love" – Doris Day
1955: "Rose Marie" – Slim Whitman
1956: "I'll Be Home" – Pat Boone
1957: "Diana" – Paul Anka
1958: "Jailhouse Rock" – Elvis Presley
1959: "Living Doll" – Cliff Richard (UK)
1960: "It's Now or Never" – Elvis Presley
1961: "Wooden Heart" – Elvis Presley
1962: "I Remember You" – Frank Ifield (UK)
1963: "She Loves You" – The Beatles (UK)
1964: "Can't Buy Me Love" – The Beatles (UK)
1965: "Tears" – Ken Dodd (UK)
1966: "Green, Green Grass of Home" – Tom Jones (UK)
1967: "Release Me" – Engelbert Humperdinck (UK)
1968: "Hey Jude" – The Beatles (UK)
1969: "Sugar, Sugar" – The Archies
1970–1989
1970: "The Wonder of You" – Elvis Presley
1971: "My Sweet Lord" – George Harrison (UK)
1972: "Amazing Grace" – The Royal Scots Dragoon Guards Band (UK)
1973: "Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree" – Tony Orlando and Dawn
1974: "Tiger Feet" – Mud (UK)
1975: "Bye Bye Baby" – Bay City Rollers (UK)
1976: "Save Your Kisses for Me" – Brotherhood of Man (UK)
1977: "Mull of Kintyre" / "Girls' School" – Wings (UK)
1978: "Rivers of Babylon" / "Brown Girl in the Ring" – Boney M.
1979: "Bright Eyes" – Art Garfunkel
1980: "Don't Stand So Close to Me" – The Police (UK)
1981: "Tainted Love" – Soft Cell (UK)
1982: "Come On Eileen" – Dexys Midnight Runners (UK)
1983: "Karma Chameleon" – Culture Club (UK)
1984: "Do They Know It's Christmas?" – Band Aid (UK)
1985: "The Power of Love" – Jennifer Rush
1986: "Don't Leave Me This Way" – The Communards (UK)
1987: "Never Gonna Give You Up" – Rick Astley (UK)
1988: "Mistletoe and Wine" – Cliff Richard (UK)
1989: "Ride on Time" – Black Box
1990–2009
1990: "Unchained Melody" – The Righteous Brothers
1991: "(Everything I Do) I Do It for You" – Bryan Adams
1992: "I Will Always Love You" – Whitney Houston
1993: "I'd Do Anything for Love (But I Won't Do That)" – Meat Loaf
1994: "Love Is All Around" – Wet Wet Wet (UK)
1995: "Unchained Melody" – Robson & Jerome (UK)
1996: "Killing Me Softly" – Fugees
1997: "Something About the Way You Look Tonight" / "Candle in the Wind 1997" – Elton John (UK)
1998: "Believe" – Cher
1999: "...Baby One More Time" – Britney Spears
2000: "Can We Fix It?" – Bob the Builder (UK)
2001: "It Wasn't Me" – Shaggy featuring Rikrok (UK)
2002: "Anything Is Possible" / "Evergreen" – Will Young (UK)
2003: "Where Is the Love?" – The Black Eyed Peas
2004: "Do They Know It's Christmas?" – Band Aid 20 (UK)
2005: "Is This the Way to Amarillo" – Tony Christie featuring Peter Kay (UK)
2006: "Crazy" – Gnarls Barkley
2007: "Bleeding Love" – Leona Lewis (UK)
2008: "Hallelujah" – Alexandra Burke (UK)
2009: "Poker Face" – Lady Gaga
2010–present
2010: "Just the Way You Are" – Bruno Mars
2011: "Someone Like You" – Adele (UK)
2012: "Somebody That I Used to Know" – Gotye featuring Kimbra
2013: "Blurred Lines" – Robin Thicke featuring T.I. & Pharrell Williams
2014: "Happy" – Pharrell Williams
2015: "Uptown Funk" – Mark Ronson (UK) featuring Bruno Mars
2016: "One Dance" – Drake featuring Wizkid and Kyla (UK)
2017: "Shape of You" - Ed Sheeran (UK)
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Stock Aitken Waterman
Mike Stock
Matt Aitken
Pete Waterman
Notable artists
Kylie Minogue
Jason Donovan
Rick Astley
Bananarama
Dead or Alive
Mel and Kim
Donna Summer
Princess
Sinitta
Divine
Sonia
Hazell Dean
Big Fun
Samantha Fox
Brother Beyond
Lonnie Gordon
Mandy Smith
Pepsi & Shirlie
Sybil
Notable songs
"I Should Be So Lucky"
"The Loco-Motion"
"Got to Be Certain"
"Better the Devil You Know"
"Especially for You"
"Too Many Broken Hearts"
"Never Gonna Give You Up"
"Together Forever"
"Whenever You Need Somebody"
"Take Me To Your Heart
"Venus"
"Love In The First Degree
"I Heard a Rumour"
"You Spin Me Round (Like a Record)"
"Respectable"
"This Time I Know It's for Real"
"I Don't Wanna Get Hurt"
"Say I'm Your Number One"
"Toy Boy"
"You Think You're a Man"
"I'm So Beautiful"
"You'll Never Stop Me Loving You"
"Whatever I Do (Wherever I Go)"
"Blame It on the Boogie"
"Nothing's Gonna Stop Me Now"
"The Harder I Try"
"Beyond Your Wildest Dreams"
"Happenin' All Over Again"
"Let It Be"
"Ferry Cross the Mersey"
"Shattered Glass"
Compilations
The Hit Factory: The Best of Stock Aitken Waterman
The Hit Factory Volume 2
The Hit Factory Volume 3
A Ton of Hits: The Very Best of Stock Aitken Waterman
The Hit Factory: Pete Waterman's Greatest Hits
Stock Aitken Waterman Gold
Pete Waterman Presents the Hit Factory
Related articles
List of songs produced by Stock Aitken Waterman
Pete Waterman Entertainment
Hi-NRG
Eurobeat
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Hundred Islands National Park
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Hundred Islands National Park
IUCN category V (protected landscape/seascape)
View of some of the Hundred Islands
Show map of Luzon Show map of Philippines Show all
Location
Philippines
Nearest city
Alaminos, Pangasinan
Coordinates
16°12′N 120°2′E / 16.200°N 120.033°E / 16.200; 120.033Coordinates: 16°12′N 120°2′E / 16.200°N 120.033°E / 16.200; 120.033
Area
1,844 ha (7.12 sq mi)
Established
January 18, 1940
Governing body
Department of Environment and Natural Resources
www.hundredislands.ph
Hundred Islands
Geography
Archipelago
Luzon
Adjacent bodies of water
Lingayen Gulf
Total islands
123–124
Major islands
Governor Island
Quezon Island
Children's Island
The Hundred Islands National Park is the first national park and a protected area located in Alaminos, Pangasinan in the northern Philippines. The islands, totaling 124 at low tide and 123 at high tide, are scattered in Lingayen Gulf covering an area of 16.76 square kilometres (6.47 sq mi). Only three of them have been developed for tourism: Governor Island, Quezon Island, and Children's Island.
Contents
[hide]
1 Geology
2 History
3 Fauna
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
Geology[edit]
Map of the Hundred Islands National Park
This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The islands are believed to be about two million years old. There are actually ancient corals that extend well inland, in an area previously comprising the seabed of an ancient sea. The lowering of the sea level have exposed them to the surface. The peculiar "mushroom-like" shapes of some of the islands were caused by the eroding action of the ocean waves.
History[edit]
The national park was created by Presidential Proclamation No. 667, covering an area of 16.76 square kilometres (6.47 sq mi) and signed by President Manuel L. Quezon on January 18, 1940, for the benefit and enjoyment of the people of the Philippines and known as the Hundred Islands National Park (HINP). The Republic Act No. 3655 signed on June 22, 1962, created the Hundred Islands Conservation and Development Authority (HICDA), for the conservation, development and management of HINP. The park including Lucap Bay was transferred from HICDA to the Philippine Tourism Authority (PTA) by virtue of Section 35 of Presidential Decree No. 564.[1]
On April 27, 1982 under Proclamation No. 2183, the national park including Lucap Bay and its foreshore areas, beginning from Sitio Telbang to the east to Sitio Recudo to the west, were declared as a Tourist Zone and Marine Reserve under the control and administration of the PTA. Subsequently under the Presidential Proclamation No. 2237 enacted on November 6, 1982, the parcels of land reserve for the Marine Fisheries Multi-Purpose Farm (created under Proclamation No. 1282 of June 21, 1974) were withdrawn and were also placed under the control and supervision of the Tourism Authority for development purposes.[1]
The Executive Order No. 436 signed by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on June 21, 2005 transferred the administration, management, maintenance, and operation of the whole Hundred Islands National Park (HINP), including all the activities, facilities, and improvements thereafter, from the Philippine Tourism Authority (PTA) to the city government of Alaminos, Pangasinan in pursuit of Republic Act No. 7160, otherwise known as the Local Government Code of 1991, which encouraged the transfer of power and authority from the national government to local government units, in line with the government’s devolution program mandated by the Constitution.[1]
Fauna[edit]
The Sagip Lingayen Gulf Project is a study done in 2010, implemented by the Marine Environment and Resources Foundation Inc. and funded by the Dutch government, in response to the lack of resources on the terrestrial wildlife of the islands. The study assessed and created an inventory of the flora and fauna of the islands to help the city government create an environmental monitoring program to protect the island's biodiversity. Some of the wildlife found living in the National Park are:[2]

See also[edit]
Islands portal
Philippines portal
List of islands of the Philippines
List of national parks of the Philippines
List of protected areas of the Philippines
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c "Executive Order No. 436". the LawPhil Project. Retrieved on 2013-05-20.
Jump up ^ Sotelo, Yolanda (2010-08-18). "Study finds no frogs in Hundred Islands". Inquirer.net.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Hundred Islands National Park.
Hundred Islands National Park - Tourism Philippines
[show]
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National parks of the Philippines
Luzon
Aurora Memorial
Balbalasang-Balbalan
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Manleluag Spring
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Protected landscapes and seascapes
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Protected areas of the Philippines
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Hundred_Islands_National_Park&oldid=840631729"
Categories:
IUCN Category V
Islands of Pangasinan
National parks of the Philippines
Protected areas established in 1940
1940 establishments in the Philippines
Tourist attractions in Pangasinan
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text:
Criticism of Franklin D. Roosevelt
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
As president from 1933 to 1945, Roosevelt was the target of sharp criticism from both left and right
Both during and after his presidential terms and continuing today, there has been much criticism of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Critics have questioned not only his policies and positions, but also charged him with centralizing power in his own hands by controlling both the government and the Democratic Party. Many denounced his breaking the no-third-term tradition in 1940.[1]
By the middle of his second term, much criticism of Roosevelt centered on fears that he was heading toward a dictatorship by attempting to seize control of the Supreme Court in the Court-packing incident of 1937, attempting to eliminate dissent within the Democratic Party in the South during the 1938 mid-term elections and by breaking the tradition established by George Washington of not seeking a third term when he again ran for re-election in 1940. As two historians explain: "In 1940, with the two-term issue as a weapon, anti-New Dealers [...] argued that the time had come to disarm the "dictator" and to dismantle the machinery".[2]
Long after his death, new lines of attack opened to attack his policies regarding helping the Jews of Europe,[3] incarcerating Japanese Americans on the West Coast[4] and opposing anti-lynching legislation.[5]
Contents
[hide]
1 Rejection by allies
2 Criticism of the New Deal and of tax policy
3 Criticism of Roosevelt as a "warmonger"
4 Criticism of Roosevelt as a "fascist"
4.1 Critics on the left
4.2 Critics on the right
4.3 Historians compare New Deal with Europe
4.4 Friedrich Hayek
5 Accusations of racism
5.1 Internment
5.2 Treatment of Jesse Owens
5.3 Anti-lynching legislation
6 Failure to do enough for the Jews of Europe
7 References
8 Further reading
8.1 Scholarly studies
8.2 Popular attacks
9 External links
Rejection by allies[edit]
Numerous allies and appointees turned against Roosevelt,[why?] such as Vice President John Nance Garner, Brain truster Raymond Moley, Postmaster General James A. Farley[6] and Ambassador Joseph Kennedy.[7] Outside the administration prominent supporters who turned against Roosevelt included journalists Walter Lippmann[8] and Frank Kent.[9] Newspaper publisher William Randolph Hearst was a major Roosevelt supporter in 1932, but turned his nationwide media chain against Roosevelt starting in 1934. Historian Charles A. Beard had supported Roosevelt in 1932, but he became the leader of isolationist intellectuals who opposed his foreign policy after 1937.[10] Roosevelt in the 1920s had been closely associated with Al Smith, the governor of New York. Roosevelt defeated Smith for the 1932 nomination and Smith became the leader of the Liberty League of prominent businessmen opposing the New Deal.[11] After Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt rejected the possibility of major war jobs for any of these men except Lewis Douglas[12] and Dean Acheson.[13] Some appointees privately turned against the New Deal, but they kept quiet and stayed in the jobs, such as ambassador Claude Bowers.[14]
Criticism of the New Deal and of tax policy[edit]
Further information: Critics of the New Deal
Roosevelt was criticized for his economic policies, especially the shift in tone from individualism to collectivism with the dramatic expansion of the welfare state and regulation of the economy. Those criticisms continued decades after his death. One factor in the revisiting of these issues in later decades was the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980.[15] When in 1981 Reagan was quoted in The New York Times saying that fascism was admired by many New Dealers, he came under heavy criticism, for Reagan had greatly admired Roosevelt and was a leading New Dealer in Hollywood.[16]
Today, Roosevelt is criticized by right-wing conservatives and libertarians for his extensive economic interventionism. These critics often accuse his policies of prolonging what they believe would otherwise have been a much shorter recession. Their argument is that government planning of the economy was both unnecessary and counterproductive and that laissez-faire policies would have ended the suffering much sooner. Austrian School of economics professor Thomas DiLorenzo says Roosevelt did not "get us out of the Depression" or "save capitalism from itself" as generations of Americans have been taught.[17]
More recently, right-wing libertarian Jim Powell stated in his 2003 book FDR's Folly that the median joblessness rate throughout the New Deal was 17.2 percent and never went below 14 percent. However, Powell does not count government workers on the Works Progress Administration (WPA) as employed, even though they worked at full-time paid jobs. Powell states the Depression was worsened and prolonged "by doubling taxes, making it more expensive for employers to hire people, making it harder for entrepreneurs to raise capital, demonizing employers, destroying food... breaking up the strongest banks, forcing up the cost of living, channeling welfare away from the poorest people and enacting labor laws that hit poor African Americans especially hard".[18] Liberal historians reject Powell's charges and note that it was Hoover who raised taxes, not Roosevelt; and that the New Deal did more for blacks than any administration before or since.[19] Libertarian writers such as Burton Folsom believe that Social Security tax increases for middle class workers exceeded government-mandated wage increases for them, thus leaving them with less current disposable income in exchange for eventual pensions. Roosevelt raised tax rates on the wealthy to a top marginal tax rate of 79%. However, wealthy citizens found tax shelters to reduce this rate. Libertarians believe New Deal tax legislation also curtailed private sector investment and job creation.[20]
A 2004 econometric study by Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian concluded that the "New Deal labor and industrial policies did not lift the economy out of the Depression as President Roosevelt and his economic planners had hoped", but that the "New Deal policies are an important contributing factor to the persistence of the Great Depression". They believe that the "abandonment of these policies coincided with the strong economic recovery of the 1940s".[21] They do not credit Roosevelt for the remarkable prosperity of the 1940s.
New Deal defenders argue that the failure of industry to create new jobs in the 1930s was caused primarily by the lack of new technologies and new industries as apart from radio there were few growth industries that emerged in the 1930s compared to the 1920s, when automobiles and electricity created the demand for new products that in turn created many new jobs. By contrast, in the 1930s companies did not hire more workers because they could not sell the increased output that would result.[22]
Criticism of Roosevelt as a "warmonger"[edit]
As World War II began, Roosevelt was among those concerned at the growing strength of the Axis Powers and he found ways to help Great Britain, the Chinese Nationalists and later the Soviet Union in their struggle against them. His program of Lend-Lease supplied military equipment to those powers despite the American government's official neutrality. This prompted several isolationist leaders, including air hero Charles Lindbergh, to criticize him as a warmonger who was trying to push America into war with Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan. This criticism was largely silenced in the public arena after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, but some persisted in the belief that Roosevelt knew of the attack beforehand.
Criticism of Roosevelt as a "fascist"[edit]
After 1945, the term "fascist" conjured up images of Nazi death camps, but in the 1930s it had a very different connotation, meaning the centralization of political power as in Benito Mussolini's Italy and of a "third way" between communism and capitalism. While most American businessmen thought Roosevelt was hostile to them, critics on the left said he was too friendly. Comparisons of American domestic programs to fascist economics are not necessarily pejorative as one of the motives behind the Interstate Highway System was that President Eisenhower was impressed by Adolf Hitler's autobahn system.[23] Early in Roosevelt's first term, supporters and critics alike found similarities between the National Recovery Administration (NRA) and Italian corporatism. In 1935 and 1936, after Italy invaded Ethiopia and the Supreme Court struck down the NRA, contemporaries stopped comparing the NRA to Italian corporatism. Interest in the subject returned in 1973, when two prominent historians[who?] wrote articles on resemblances between the New Deal and fascist economics. According to James Q. Whitman, by the late 1980s it was "almost routine" for New Deal historians to identify similarities between the New Deal and fascist economic programs.[24] Similarities are in anti-depression policies as in totality the New Deal and fascism were very different.[25]
Critics on the left[edit]
The Communist Party USA (CPUSA) first charged Roosevelt with being fascist less than two months after he took office. On May Day, 1933, the CPUSA ran a series of newspaper advertisements denouncing "the whole Roosevelt program of preparation for fascism and war" and calling Roosevelt a "fascist dictator". The ads' examples of alleged fascist activities included "forced labor for the unemployed" and harsh tactics against striking farm workers in California. Scholar Paul Kengor wrote that the charges were ridiculous.[26] Richard Hofstadter noted that critics from the left believed "that the NRA was a clear imitation of Mussolini's corporate state".[27]
Left-liberal publications such as The Nation and The New Republic worried that the Civilian Conservation Corps' (CCC) integration with the military could start a transformation to a fascistic society. While the CCC was operated by the military and had some militaristic aspects, the Roosevelt administration allayed these fears by emphasizing the CCC's civilian character. Unlike its German counterpart, the CCC was never a compulsory service.[28]
Critics on the right[edit]
Main article: Old Right (United States)
Conservatives have made the most significant[dubious – discuss] criticisms of Roosevelt and have been keeping up with these criticisms for decades. They warned of "regimentation". They made cautionary comparisons of Roosevelt's economic programs to communism and fascism, to which Roosevelt responded in a June 1934 Fireside Chat by saying that the critics were motivated by self-interest and that everything he did was within the United States' political tradition.[29] Without providing details, Roosevelt privately told his Secretary of Interior Harold L. Ickes on October 4, 1933 that the New Deal was doing some things that were being done in the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Roosevelt was a pragmatist who had studied under William James at Harvard College. As a pragmatist, Roosevelt was willing to consider various sources of ideas for social experiments.[30]
The most prominent of Roosevelt's critics in regards to fascism was Herbert Hoover, who saw a connection between the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) and the "Swope Plan", named after Gerard Swope. Hoover was an ardent supporter of trade associations, but saw the Swope Plan as fascistic because of its compulsory nature.[25] Historian George H. Nash argues:
Unlike the "moderate," internationalist, largely eastern bloc of Republicans who accepted (or at least acquiesced in) some of the "Roosevelt Revolution" and the essential premises of President Truman's foreign policy, the Republican Right at heart was counterrevolutionary. Anti-collectivist, anti-Communist, anti-New Deal, passionately committed to limited government, free market economics, and congressional (as opposed to executive) prerogatives, the G.O.P. conservatives were obliged from the start to wage a constant two-front war: against liberal Democrats from without and "me-too" Republicans from within.[31]
The Old Right emerged in opposition to the New Deal of President Roosevelt and Hoff says that "moderate Republicans and leftover Republican Progressives like Hoover composed the bulk of the Old Right by 1940, with a sprinkling of former members of the Farmer-Labor party, Non-Partisan League, and even a few midwestern prairie Socialists".[32]
Historians compare New Deal with Europe[edit]
The Swope Plan was the starting point for drafting the NIRA and it was in no way copied from Europe. Many prominent businessmen had participated in writing it. However, Hoover denounced the Swope plan as monopolistic and refused to support any proposal made by the Chamber of Commerce, though it was widely praised by American businessmen and academics.[33][34] The Swope Plan was corporatist, but far less extensive than fascist corporatism. Historian John A. Garraty said that the NIRA was "similar to experiments being carried out by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini in Italy and by the Nazis in Hitler's Germany. It did not, of course, turn America into a fascist state, but it did herald an increasing concentration of economic power in the hands of interest groups, both industrialists' organizations and labor unions". Garraty said that another influence was the concept of the corporate state, where capitalists and workers, supervised by the government, worked out problems to avoid wasteful competition and dangerous social clashes.[35] Historian Ellis Hawley reviewed the legislative history of the NIRA. A key member of the Brains Trust, Raymond Moley, led efforts to review industrial recovery plans. Another significant influence was Hugh S. Johnson, who drew on his experience with the war industries board.[36] Popular historian Amity Shlaes stated:
The NRA was the consummation of a thousand articles and a thousand trends. It was the ideas of Moley, the trade unions, Stuart Chase, Tugwell, Stalin, Insull, Teddy Roosevelt, Henry Ford, and Mussolini's Italian model all rolled into one.[37]
According to comparative law scholar James Whitman, it was not the NIRA statute that fueled suspicions of fascism—it was the leaders of the National Recovery Administration as the head of the NRA, Hugh Johnson, openly admired Mussolini. Both Johnson and his assistant, Donald Richberg, made disturbing statements indicating that they were hostile to parliamentary government. Richberg denied being a fascist, but described Roosevelt several times as a "Man of Action". Whitman said that there were "striking" differences between the ideology of Johnson and Richberg and fascist propaganda.[24]
Garraty suggested that there were some "striking" similarities between Roosevelt's programs and German anti-depression policies, but concluded that the New Deal did not have much in common with fascism in total because of the vast political differences between the two systems. Roosevelt expanded political participation for the less fortunate and Garraty stated that the main reason for the similarities was that both nations were dealing with problems that were unique in the industrial world.[38] Garraty stated that the New Deal lacked any consistent ideological base. While the Brains Trust got a lot of attention, theorists never had much impact on Roosevelt who drew on populism, with its hostility to bankers and its willingness to inflate the currency; Theodore Roosevelt's New Nationalism in its dislike of competition and deemphasis on antitrust laws; and the ideas of social workers from the Progressive Era. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis influenced Roosevelt on financial reforms. The War Labor Board from World War I influenced Roosevelt's labor policy.[39]
Other scholars had varying views on the relationship between the New Deal and fascist economics:
New Deal historian William Leuchtenburg said in 1968 that "Mussolini's corporate state did not find [an] American following". Leuchtenburg said that if the New Deal had any foreign counterparts, it was in Scandinavia (see the Nordic model).[40] According to Leuchtenburg, Roosevelt was overall a net exporter of ideas and Arthur Schlesinger had similar findings.
John P. Diggins found only superficial similarities between the New Deal and Italian fascism. However, Diggins produced some quotations indicating that Roosevelt was interested in fascist economic programs and admired Mussolini.[41]
Kiran Klaus Patel stated: "On the whole, there was a special closeness between the German Labor Service and the CCC, just as there was a whole series of similar measures in social, cultural, and economic policies in Nazi Germany and under the New Deal". Patel stated that the two nations' politics were obviously different, with the United States adopting reform while Germany adopted fascism. The main reasons for the economic similarities according to Patel was the growth in state interventionism along with the fact that Germany and the United States faced similar problems, particularly the need to reduce mass unemployment. "In attempt to achieve that goal, both nations subsequently employed what were often strikingly similar instruments of economic and social policy; on this level, the crisis led to a limited degree of convergence.[42]
Ludwig von Mises wrote that the New Deal was a "replica" of Otto von Bismarck's social policies.[43] Milton Friedman also said that Bismarck's Germany influenced the New Deal. Friedman said that both Wilhelmine Germany's aristocratic and autocratic government and left-wing governments had a paternalistic philosophy. According to Friedman, other sources included Fabian England, Sweden and American universities, particularly Columbia. Britain's Old Age Insurance Act (1908) and National Insurance Act (1911) were precursors for America's social security laws.[44]
James Q. Whitman said that in its day-to-day operations the NRA only had limited resemblance to fascist corporatism. American corporatism was of an indigenous nature that traced back to nineteenth century German theorists of corporatism. It was also built on the United States' World War I experience, which used corporatism to manage the economy. European corporatism was an ideology of political economy, built on conflicts between labor and capital. It appealed to "thuggish anti-parliamentarians who were the fascists". The United States' corporatism was only an economic ideology as Americans viewed Congress as a "place full of incompetents, not rogues". Whitman said that there were two main differences between the NRA's corporatism and European fascism. One was that in the United States class warfare never reached the level of intensity that it did in Europe. The other reason was that unlike Italy and Germany, the United States had a long tradition of representative government.[45]
Shlaes wrote that Roosevelt's policies were often inspired by socialist or fascist models abroad. She acknowledges that Hoover and Roosevelt may not have had better alternative as their policies may have spared America some facsimile of Mussolini's fascism or Joseph Stalin's Communism. Shales states: "The argument that democracy would have failed in the United States without the New Deal stood for seven decades, and has been made anew, by scholars of considerable quality, quite recently".[46]
Friedrich Hayek[edit]
In 1944, Friedrich Hayek wrote The Road to Serfdom. Hayek focused mostly on Britain, but he also mentioned the New Deal and argued that Britain and the United States had started to abandon their basic commitment to personal liberty through increasingly statist economic programs. Historian Alan Brinkley said that Hayek's work was influential because it expressed concerns that already existed. The biggest challenge to the New Deal was the fear that the expanding federal bureaucracy limited personal economic freedom and autonomy. According to Brinkley, liberals accused Hayek of attacking a straw man, but their criticism had a strongly defensive tone. Alvin Hansen wrote a scathing review, but said that The Road to Serfdom is "'good medicine but a bad diet'". Stuart Chase acknowledged that Hayek provided "a useful warning [...] which every planner should paste under the glass top of his desk". Reinhold Niebuhr noted that totalitarianism's rise prompted the democracies to be apprehensive about collectivist solutions, stating that "a wise community will walk warily and test the effect of each new adventure before further adventures".[47]
Accusations of racism[edit]
Internment[edit]
Further information: Japanese American internment
Executive Order 9066, which sent 120,000 Japanese expatriates and American citizens of Japanese ancestry to be confined at internment camps, was racist. The Supreme Court upheld its constitutionality.
Treatment of Jesse Owens[edit]
After the 1936 Berlin Olympics, only the white athletes were invited to see and meet Roosevelt. No such invitation was made to the African American athletes such as Jesse Owens, who had won four gold medals. A widely believed myth about the 1936 games was that Hitler had snubbed Owens, something that never happened. Owens said that "Hitler didn't snub me—it was [Roosevelt] who snubbed me. The president didn't even send me a telegram".[48] However, Hitler had left after Owens's first gold medal win and did not meet him. Subsequently, he did not meet with any of the gold medalists. Owens lamented his treatment by Roosevelt, saying that he "wasn't invited to the White House to shake hands with the President".[49]
Anti-lynching legislation[edit]
Roosevelt condemned lynching as murder, but he did not support Republican proposals to make it a federal crime, although his wife Eleanor did so. Roosevelt told an advocate: "If I come out for the anti-lynching bill now, they [Southern Democratic senators] will block every bill I ask Congress to pass to keep America from collapsing. I just can't take that risk".[50]
Failure to do enough for the Jews of Europe[edit]
Beginning in the 1960s, Roosevelt was charged with not acting decisively enough to prevent or stop the Holocaust.[51] Critics cite instances such as the 1939 episode in which 936 Jewish refugees on the MS St. Louis were denied asylum and not allowed into the United States because of strict laws passed by Congress.[52]
Historian David Wyman and others argue that the Roosevelt administration knew that the Nazis were systematically killing Jews, but nevertheless followed a policy of not rescuing them.[53] According to Professor Wyman, Roosevelt's record on Jewish refugees and their rescue is very poor and one of the worst failures of his presidency.[53] He has been criticized for failing to issue public statements or address the issue of European Jews in any of his 998 press conferences.[54]
Defenders of Roosevelt, such as Robert N. Rosen, argue that Roosevelt made numerous attempts to allow Jewish refugees to enter the United States and that at weaker periods of his presidency he simply did not have the political capital to wage these battles.[55] Rosen argues that the mood in the country favored the strong desire to remain neutral regarding European affairs and distrust of anything that smacked of internationalism.[55] Rosen argues there were divisions in the American Jewish community, which had not reached a consensus as to the best policy for freeing their European counterparts from Nazi persecution.[55]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ George Wolfskill and John Allen Hudson. All But the People: Franklin D. Roosevelt and His Critics, 1933–39 (1969). Macmillan.
Jump up ^ Herbert S. Parmet and Marie B. Hecht. Never Again: A President Runs for a Third Term (1968). p. 10.
Jump up ^ Richard Breitman and Allan J. Lichtman. FDR and the Jews (2013).
Jump up ^ Greg Robinson. A Tragedy of Democracy: Japanese Confinement in North America (2009).
Jump up ^ Ira Katznelson. Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (2014).
Jump up ^ Thomas Spencer. "Loyal Democrats: John Cudahy, Jim Farley, and the Politics and Diplomacy of the New Deal Era, 1933–1941". Wisconsin Magazine of History (Spring 2011). 94#3. pp. 2–15.
Jump up ^ Michael R. Beschloss. Kennedy and Roosevelt: The Uneasy Alliance (1981).
Jump up ^ F. Krome. "From Liberal Philosophy to Conservative Ideology? Walter Lippmann's Opposition to the New Deal". Journal of American Culture (Spring 1987). 10#1. pp. 57–64.
Jump up ^ Eugene W. Goll. "Frank R. Kent's Opposition to Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal". Maryland Historical Magazine (Summer 1968). 63#2. pp. 158–171.
Jump up ^ Robert A. Divine. "Franklin D. Roosevelt and Collective Security, 1933". Mississippi Valley Historical Review (1961). 42–59.
Jump up ^ Jordan A. Schwarz. "Al Smith in the Thirties". New York History (1964). 316–330.
Jump up ^ Kelly McMichael Stott. "FDR, Lewis Douglas, and the Raw Deal". Historian (Fall 2000). 63#1. pp. 105–119.
Jump up ^ Robert Beisner, Dean Acheson: A Life in the Cold War (2006) ch 1
Jump up ^ Thomas T. Spencer. "'Old' Democrats and New Deal Politics: Claude G. Bowers, James A. Farley, and the Changing Democratic Party, 1933–1940". Indiana Magazine of History (1996). 92#1. pp. 26–45.
Jump up ^ Bruce Frohnen, Jeremy Beer and Jeffery O. Nelson, eds. American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia (2006). pp. 619–621, 645–646.
Jump up ^ "Reagan says many New Dealers wanted fascism". The New York Times. December 22, 1981.
Jump up ^ Thomas DiLorenzo. The New Deal Debunked (November 2004). The Free Market. 24#11.
Jump up ^ Powell, Jim. FDR's Folly: How Franklin Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression, Random House, 2004.
Jump up ^ Harvard Sitkoff, ed. Fifty Years Later: The New Deal Evaluated (1985).
Jump up ^ Burton W. Folsom (2008). New Deal or Raw Deal? How FDR's Economic Legacy Has Damaged America. Threshold Editions.
Jump up ^ Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian. New Deal Policies and the Persistence of the Great Depression: A General Equilibrium Analysis (2004). Archived May 17, 2006, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Rick Szostak. Technological Innovation and the Great Depression (1995).
Jump up ^ Steven Ambrose. Eisenhower the President, Volume Two (1984). New York. Simon & Schuster. p. 250. ISBN 0-671-60565-8.
^ Jump up to: a b James Q. Whitman. "Of Corporatism, Fascism, and the First New Deal". The American Journal of Comparative Law (1991). 39#4. pp. 747–778.
^ Jump up to: a b John A. Garraty. "The New Deal, National Socialism, and the Great Depression". The American Historical Review (October 1973). 78#4. pp. 907–944.
Jump up ^ Paul Kengor. Dupes: How America's Adversaries Have Manipulated Progressives for a Century (2010). Wilmington, Delaware. ISI Books. pp. 23, 113–118. ISBN 978-1-935191-75-9.
Jump up ^ Richard Hofstadter (1955). The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. Vintage Books. p. 327.
Jump up ^ Kiran Klaus Patel. Soldiers of Labor: Labor Service in Nazi Germany and New Deal America, 1933–1945 (2005). New York. Cambridge University Press. p. 152–154. ISBN 978-0-521-16866-3.
Jump up ^ Franklin Delano Roosevelt; edited by Russell D. Buhite and David W. Levy (1992). FDR's Fireside Chats. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 46. ISBN 0806123702. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ In his diary entry for October 5, 1933, Ickes wrote: "He said that what we were doing in this country were some of the things that were being done in Russia and even some of the things that were being done under Hitler in Germany. But we were doing them in an orderly way". Lewis S. Feuer. "American Travelers to the Soviet Union 1917–32: A Component of New Deal Ideology". American Quarterly (Summer 1962). 14#2. part I. pp. 119–149.
Jump up ^ George H. Nash. "The Republican Right from Taft to Reagan". Reviews in American History (1984). 12#2. pp. 261–265. Nash references David W. Reinhard. The Republican Right since 1945 (1983). University Press of Kentucky.
Jump up ^ Joan Hoff (1975). Herbert Hoover, forgotten progressive. Little, Brown. p. 222.
Jump up ^ Ellis W. Hawley. The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (1966). pp. 41–42.
Jump up ^ Jerry Hess. "Oral History Interview with Leon H. Keyserling" (May 3, 1971). Harry S. Truman Library.
Jump up ^ John A. Garraty. The American Nation: A History of the United States Since 1865 (Volume Two) (1979). New York. Harper & Row. p. 656.
Jump up ^ Ellis Wayne Hawley. The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (1966). p. 23.
Jump up ^ Amity Shlaes. The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (2007). New York. HarperCollins. p. 151.
Jump up ^ John A. Garraty. "The New Deal, National Socialism, and the Great Depression".The American Historical Review (1973). 78#4. pp. 907–944.
Jump up ^ John A. Garraty. The American Nation: A History of the United States Since 1865 (Volume Two) (1979). p. 660.
Jump up ^ William Leuchtenburg, "The New Deal" in C. Vann Woodward, ed (1968). The Comparative Approach to American History. Basic Books. p. 306. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Early in 1933, Roosevelt told a White House correspondent: "I don't mind telling you in confidence that I am keeping in fairly close touch with that admirable Italian gentleman". In June 1933, Roosevelt wrote to Ambassador Breckinridge Long in Italy about Mussolini: "There seems no question that he is really interested in what we are doing and I am much interested and deeply imipressed by what he has accomplished and by his evidenced honest purpose of restoring Italy and to prevent general European trouble". John P. Diggins. Mussolini and Fascism: The View from America (1972). Princeton University Press. pp. 279–281.
Jump up ^ Kiran Klaus Patel. Soldiers of Labor: Labor Service in Nazi Germany and New Deal America, 1933–1945 (2005). New York. Cambridge University Press. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-0-521-16866-3.
Jump up ^ Ludwig von Mises. Liberalism: In the Classic Tradition (2002). San Francisco. Cobden Press. ISBN 0-930439-23-6.
Jump up ^ Milton and Rose Friedman. Free to Choose (1980). New York. Avon Books. pp. 83–84, 88–89. ISBN 0-380-52548-8.
Jump up ^ James Q. Whitman. "Of Corporatism, Fascism, and the First New Deal". The American Journal of Comparative Law (Autumn 1991). 39#4. pp. 747–778.
Jump up ^ Amity Shlaes. The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (2007). New York. HarperCollins. pp. 6–7, 13–14. ISBN 978-0-06-621170-1.
Jump up ^ Alan Brinkley. The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War (1995). New York. Vintage Books. 3387–3460.
Jump up ^ Jeremy Schapp. Triumph: The Untold Story of Jesse Owens and Hitler's Olympic (2007). Mariner Books.
Jump up ^ Larry Schwartz. "Owens pierced a myth" (2005). SportsCentury.
Jump up ^ Maurine Hoffman Beasley et al. eds. (2001). The Eleanor Roosevelt Encyclopedia. Greenwood. p. 29. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ In works such as Arthur Morse's While Six Million Died: A Chronicle of American Apathy (New York, 1968), David S. Wyman's Paper Walls: America and the Refugee Crisis, 1938–1941 (1968) and Henry L. Feingold's The Politics of Rescue: The Roosevelt Administration and the Holocaust, 1938–1945 (1970).
Jump up ^ Benjamin Feingold (1970) pp. 66, 103.
^ Jump up to: a b "FDR defenders enlist TV critics to refute Holocaust film". Current.org. May 9, 1994. Retrieved August 21, 2012.
Jump up ^ Laurel Leff, Rafael Medoff and David S. Wyman (April 2004). "New Documents Shed More Light On FDR's Holocaust Failure". Institute for Holocaust Studies. Retrieved August 22, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b c Robert N. Rosen. "Saving The Jews". Retrieved August 22, 2012.
Further reading[edit]
Scholarly studies[edit]
Monroe Lee Billington. "New Mexico Clergymen's Perceptions of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal". New Mexico Historical Review (fall 2009). 84#4. pp. 521–544; most of the clergy were favorable and criticisms focused on relief programs and agricultural policies.
Campbell Craig. "The Not-So-Strange Career of Charles Beard". Diplomatic History (Spring 2001). 25#2; historian Charles A. Beard accused Roosevelt of unnecessary provocation of Japan and deceiving the American people.
John A. Garraty. "The New Deal, National Socialism, and the Great Depression". American Historical Review (1973). 78#4. pp. 907–944.
William E. Leuchtenburg. The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy (1997). chap. 1. Columbia University Press.
Lynn Y. Weiner and Ronald D. Tallman; Nancy Beck Young et al. eds. "The Popular Iconography of FDR". Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Shaping of American Political Culture (2001). pp. 9–18; reviews the overwhelmingly favorable popular images of Roosevelt.
James Q. Whitman. "Of Corporatism, Fascism, and the First New Deal". The American Journal of Comparative Law (Autumn 1991). 39#4. pp. 747–778.
George Wolfskill and John Allen Hudson. All But the People: Franklin D. Roosevelt and His Critics, 1933–39 (1969). Macmillan.
Popular attacks[edit]
John T. Flynn. The Roosevelt Myth (1953).
Bruce S. Jansson. The Sixteen-Trillion-Dollar Mistake: How the US bungled its national priorities from the New Deal to the present (2001).
Jim Powell. FDR's Folly: How Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression (2007). Crown.
Jim Powell. How FDR's New Deal Harmed Millions of Poor People (2003). CATO.
Burt Solomon. FDR v. the Constitution: the Court-packing Fight and the Triumph of Democracy (2009).
Thomas E. Woods, Jr. The Truth About FDR.
Felix Wittmer. The Yalta betrayal: data on the decline and fall of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1953). Caxton Printers.
External links[edit]
Roosevelt and the Jews: A Debate Rekindled. The New York Times. April 30, 2009.
[hide]
v
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Franklin D. Roosevelt
32nd President of the United States (1933–1945)
44th Governor of New York (1929–1932)
Assistant Secretary of the Navy (1913–1920)
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Roosevelt family
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Anna Eleanor Roosevelt (wife)
Anna Eleanor Roosevelt (daughter)
James Roosevelt II (son)
Elliott Roosevelt (son)
Franklin Delano Roosevelt Jr. (son)
John Aspinwall Roosevelt II (son)
Eleanor Roosevelt Seagraves (granddaughter)
Curtis Roosevelt (grandson)
Sara Delano Roosevelt (granddaughter)
Franklin Delano Roosevelt III (grandson)
John Roosevelt Boettiger (grandson)
James Roosevelt III (grandson)
James Roosevelt I (father)
Sara Ann Delano (mother)
James Roosevelt Roosevelt (half-brother)
Isaac Roosevelt (grandfather)
Jacobus Roosevelt (great-grandfather)
Fala (family dog)
← Herbert Hoover
Harry S. Truman →
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