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Chhatarpur metro station
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Chhatarpur
छत्तरपुर
Delhi Metro station
A seen of Chhatarpur Metro station
Location
Chhatarpur, South West Delhi
Coordinates
28°30′24″N 77°10′30″E / 28.506552°N 77.174926°E / 28.506552; 77.174926
Owned by
Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. (DMRC)
Line(s)
Yellow Line
Platforms
Side platform
Platform-1 → HUDA City Centre
Platform-2 →Samaypur Badli
Tracks
2
Construction
Structure type
Elevated
Platform levels
2
Parking
Available
Disabled access
Yes
Other information
Station code
CHTP
History
Opened
August 26, 2010; 7 years ago (2010-08-26)
Electrified
25 kV 50 Hz AC through overhead catenary
Traffic
Passengers (2015)
11,50,275
37106 Month average
Services
Preceding station
Delhi Metro
Following station
Qutab Minar
toward Samaypur Badli
Yellow Line
Sultanpur
toward HUDA City Centre
Location
South Delhi, India
Chhatarpur[1] (Hindi: छत्तरपुर) is an elevated station on the Yellow Line of the Delhi Metro. It is located in the Chhatarpur locality of the South West district of Delhi, India. Shree Adya Katyayani Shakti Peeth, popularly known as the Chhatarpur Temple is located near the station.
The station was to be opened in June 2010, along with the other stations of the completely elevated corridor of the Yellow Line from Qutub Minar–HUDA City Centre. However, construction on the station was delayed due to land acquisition issues. To make the station operational before the 2010 Commonwealth Games, the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation adopted a special design to construct the Chhatarpur station, using pre-fabricated structures.[2][3][4] The station was finally opened to public on 26 August 2010,[5][6][7] being built in a record time of nine months. Chhatarpur is the only station in the Delhi Metro network to be made completely of steel.[8][9][10]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Facilities
3 Station layout
4 Gallery
5 Connections
6 Entry/Exits
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
History[edit]
Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. (DMRC) started to acquire land in Chattarpur area to construct the station since September 2006.[2][9][11] Two hectare plot was required for constructing the main Metro station, an electrical sub station, parking space and other utilities.[4] After having land acquisition problems in acquiring three plots for construction, DMRC decided to skip the station. But the gap between the two stations (Qutub Minar and Sultanpur) on either side of Chhatarpur would have been 2.7 km which is too long for a MRTS system. As the station was expected to see a ridership of about 11,723 passengers daily by 2011 in Vasant Kunj area and the Chhatarpur temple, DMRC decided to construct the station using a special design costing an additional 30 to 50% expense to construct the station within the time frame.[3][4][7][11] The construction work of the station was delayed as the land for the building of the station was acquired by DMRC in October 2009 after prolonged litigation.[9][11] The elevated station was constructed using a unique method using special pre-fabricated/structural steel as the conventional construction technique by concrete would have taken at least 18 to 24 months. The steel structures were fabricated in a factory in Gurgaon. The quality of the construction was then checked through Radiography of the joints and Dye-Penetration Tests (DPT). To ensure quality work, the welding activity was not carried at Chhatarpur and the steel structures had to be joined using bolting arrangements.[4][9]
The Qutub Minar-Huda City Centre corridor of the Yellow Line was made operational in June 2010 with ten stations with no stoppage at the Chhatarpur station.[12][13] The work on the station was completed by August 2010 and the mandatory clearance was given by R K Kardam, the Commissioner of Metro rail safety (CMRS) on 25 August 2010. The Chhatarpur station was finally opened to public on 26 August 2010, built in a record time of 9 months.[6][7][10][11][14][15]
Facilities[edit]
The Chhatarpur station is an elevated station built in an area of 26,000 sq. m. The station has a receiving sub-station (RSS) built in 1 hectare area and the largest parking area in the Delhi Metro network. The parking lot has been built over about 12,000 square metres. However, only about 4,000 square metres of parking area was opened for use where 800 two wheelers and 200 cars can be parked. The rest of the parking area will be opened in a phased manner. The station caters to the localities of Chhatarpur, Mehrauli village, Kishangarh Village and Vasant Kunj area and also the huge number of devotees who visit Chhatarpur temple.[7][15] The expected ridership of this station as per the detailed project report (DPR) made by the DMRC is 11,723 in 2011.[12]
List of available ATM at Chhatarpur metro station are , , , [16]
Station layout[edit]
G Street Level Exit/Entrance
L1 Mezzanine Fare control, station agent, Metro Card vending machines, crossover
L2 Side platform No- 1, doors will open on the left
Southbound Towards →HUDA City Centre→ →
Northbound →Towards ←Samaypur Badli← ←
Side platform No- 2, doors will open on the left
L2
Gallery[edit]
View from CDR Chowk Chhatarpur Metro station
Chhatarpur Metro station Platform view
Connections[edit]
This section is empty. You can help by adding to it. (December 2016)
Entry/Exits[edit]
This section is empty. You can help by adding to it. (April 2017)
See also[edit]
List of Delhi Metro stations
Transport in Delhi
Delhi Metro Rail Corporation
Delhi Suburban Railway
Delhi Transport Corporation
South Delhi
National Capital Region (India)
List of rapid transit systems
List of metro systems
Delhi portal
Trains portal
Railways in India portal
Transport portal
Infrastructure portal
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Name used in official signage, see e.g. http://netindian.in/news/2010/08/25/0007599/delhi-metros-chhattarpur-station-become-operational-aug-26
^ Jump up to: a b "DMRC to construct all-steel station". The Financial Express. 2010-02-02. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b "Chhatarpur station races to steel finish". Indian Express. 2010-02-02. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Metro's steely resolve at station in Chhatarpur". The Times of India. 2010-02-02. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ "Delhi metro opens Chhatarpur station". Railway Gazette. 2010-09-01. Retrieved 2010-10-05.
^ Jump up to: a b "Chhatarpur station opens". Indian Express. 2010-08-27. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Chattarpur station to open today". The Times of India. 2010-08-26. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ "Chhattarpur Metro Station To Become Operational From Tomorrow". DMRC. 2010-08-25. Retrieved 2010-09-26.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Record-setting Chhatarpur Metro station set to open by August end". Hindustan Times. 2010-08-09. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b "Chattarpur Metro sees 3,500 commuters on day one". The Times of India. 2010-08-27. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "More riders for Metro last week as Delhi gets heavy rains". The Hindu. 2010-08-26. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b "Gurgaon-Qutub Minar Delhi Metro corridor to open on June 21". The Times of India. 2010-05-16. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ "New metro corridor to open in September". The Hindu. 2010-08-26. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ "Chhatarpur Station opens on Thursday". Indian Express. 2010-08-26. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
^ Jump up to: a b "Metro reaches Chhatarpur". Hindustan Times. 2010-08-27. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ http://www.delhimetrorail.com/ATM_details.aspx
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Chhatarpur metro station.
Wikivoyage has a travel guide for Delhi.
Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. (Official site)
Delhi Metro Annual Reports
"Station Information". Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. (DMRC). Archived from the original on 19 June 2010.
UrbanRail.Net – descriptions of all metro systems in the world, each with a schematic map showing all stations.
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Bolsheviks
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the Bolshevik faction in the RSDLP 1903–1912. For other uses, see Bolshevik (disambiguation).
1920 Bolshevik Party meeting. Sitting (from left): Enukidze, Kalinin, Bukharin, Tomsky, Lashevich, Kamenev, Preobrazhensky, Serebryakov, Lenin and Rykov
The Bolsheviks, originally also Bolshevists[1][a] or Bolsheviki[3] (Russian: большевики, большевик (singular), IPA: [bəlʲʂɨˈvʲik]; derived from большинство bol'shinstvo, "majority", literally meaning "one of the majority"), were a faction of the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) which split apart from the Menshevik faction[b] at the Second Party Congress in 1903.[4] The RSDLP was a revolutionary socialist political party formed in 1898 in Minsk in Belarus to unite the various revolutionary organisations of the Russian Empire into one party.
In the Second Party Congress vote, the Bolsheviks won on the majority of important issues, hence their name.[5] They ultimately became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[c] The Bolsheviks, or Reds, came to power in Russia during the October Revolution phase of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and founded the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). With the Reds defeating the Whites and others during the Russian Civil War of 1917–1922, the RSFSR became the chief constituent of the Soviet Union in December 1922.
The Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov, were by 1905 a major organization consisting primarily of workers under a democratic internal hierarchy governed by the principle of democratic centralism, who considered themselves the leaders of the revolutionary working class of Russia. Their beliefs and practices were often referred to as Bolshevism.
Contents
[hide]
1 History of the split
1.1 Origins of the name
1.2 Composition of the party
1.3 Beginning of the 1905 Revolution (1903–1905)
1.4 The Mensheviks ("The minority") (1906–1907)
1.5 Split between Lenin and Bogdanov (1908–10)
1.6 Final attempt at party unity (1910)
1.7 Forming a separate party (1912)
2 Derogatory usage of "Bolshevik"
2.1 Non-Russian/Soviet groups having used the name "Bolshevik"
3 See also
4 Notes
5 References
5.1 Sources
6 External links
History of the split[edit]
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Boris Kustodiev's 1920 painting "Bolshevik"
In the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, held in Brussels and London during August 1903, Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over the membership rules. Lenin wanted members "who recognise the Party Programme and support it by material means[6] and by personal participation in one of the party's organisations." Julius Martov suggested "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations." Lenin advocated limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members, as opposed to "card carriers" who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all. This active base would develop the cadre, a core of "professional revolutionaries", consisting of loyal communists who would spend most of their time organising the party toward a mass revolutionary party capable of leading a workers' revolution against the Tsarist autocracy.
A main source of the factions could be directly attributed to Lenin's steadfast opinion and unwillingness to "bear opinions which were contrary to his own".[7][attribution needed] It was obvious at early stages in Lenin's revolutionary practices that he would not be willing to concede on any party policy that conflicted with his own predetermined ideas. It was the loyalty that he had to his own self-envisioned utopia that caused the party split. He was seen even by fellow party members as being so narrow minded that he believed that there were only two types of people: "Friend and enemy—those who followed him, and all the rest."[8] Leon Trotsky, one of Lenin's fellow revolutionaries (though they had differing views as to how the revolution and party should be handled), compared Lenin in 1904 to the French revolutionary Robespierre.[8] Lenin's view of politics as verbal and ideological warfare and his inability to accept criticism even if it came from his own dedicated followers was the reason behind this accusation.
The root of the split was a book titled What is to be Done? that Lenin wrote while serving a sentence of exile. In Germany, the book was published in 1902; in Russia, strict censorship outlawed its publication and distribution.[9] One of the main points of Lenin's writing was that a revolution can only be achieved by the strong leadership of one person (or of a very select few people) over the masses. After the proposed revolution had successfully overthrown the government, this individual leader must release power, to allow socialism to fully encompass the nation. Lenin also wrote that revolutionary leaders must dedicate their entire lives to the cause in order for it to be successful. Lenin said that if professional revolutionaries did not maintain control over the workers then they would lose sight of the party's objective and adopt opposing beliefs, and even abandon the revolution entirely.[9] Lenin's view of a socialist intelligentsia showed that he was not a complete supporter of Marxist theory, which also created some party unrest. For example, Lenin agreed with the Marxist idea of eliminating social classes, but in his utopian society there would still be visible distinctions between those in politics and the common worker. Most party members considered unequal treatment of workers immoral, and were loyal to the idea of a completely classless society, so Lenin's variations caused the party internal dissonance. Although the party split of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks would not become official until 1903, the differences originally began to surface with the publication of What is to be Done?. Through the influence of the book, Lenin also undermined another group of reformers known as "Economists", who were pushing for economic reform while wanting to leave the government relatively unchanged, and who failed to recognize the importance of uniting the working population behind the party's cause.[10][non-primary source needed][page needed]
Other than the debate between Lenin and Julius Martov; Lenin felt membership should require support of the Party program, financial contributions, and finally involvement in a Party organization whereas Martov didn't see the need for joining Party organizations, internal unrest also rose over the structure that was best suited for Soviet power.[10][page needed] As discussed in What is to be Done?, Lenin firmly believed that a rigid political structure was needed to effectively initiate a formal revolution. This idea was met with opposition from his once close followers including Julius Martov, Georgy Plekhanov, Leon Trotsky, and Pavel Axelrod.[11][page needed] Georgy Plekhanov and Lenin's major dispute arose addressing the topic of nationalizing land or leaving it for private use. Lenin wanted to nationalize to aid in collectivization. Plekhanov thought worker motivation would remain higher if individuals were able to maintain their own property. Those who opposed Lenin and wanted to continue on the Marxist path towards complete socialism and disagreed with his strict party membership guidelines became known as "softs" while Lenin supporters became known as "hards."[12]
The base of active and experienced members would be the recruiting ground for this professional core. Sympathizers would be left outside and the party would be organised based on the concept of democratic centralism. Martov, until then a close friend of Lenin, agreed with him that the core of the party should consist of professional revolutionaries, but argued that party membership should be open to sympathizers, revolutionary workers and other fellow travelers.
The two had disagreed on the issue as early as March–May 1903, but it was not until the Congress that their differences became irreconcilable and split the party.[13] At first the disagreement appeared to be minor and inspired by personal conflicts. For example, Lenin's insistence on dropping less active editorial board members from Iskra or Martov's support for the Organizing Committee of the Congress which Lenin opposed, The differences quickly grew and the split became irreparable.
Origins of the name[edit]
The two factions were originally known as "hard" (Lenin's supporters) and "soft" (Martov's supporters). Soon, however, the terminology changed to "Bolsheviks" and "Mensheviks", from the Russian "bolshinstvo" (majority) and "menshinstvo" (minority).[14] On the other hand, Martov's supporters won the vote concerning the question of party membership. Neither Lenin nor Martov had a firm majority throughout the Congress as delegates left or switched sides. At the end, the Congress was evenly split between the two factions.
From 1907 on, English language articles sometimes used the term "Maximalist" for "Bolshevik" and "Minimalist" for "Menshevik", which proved confusing since there was also a "Maximalist" faction within the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1904–06 (which after 1906 formed a separate Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists) and then again after 1917.[15]
Composition of the party[edit]
The average party member was very young. In 1907, 22% of Bolsheviks were under 20, 37% were 20–24 and 16% were 25–29. By 1905, 62% of the members were industrial workers (3% of the population in 1897[16]).[17] 22% of Bolsheviks were gentry (1.7% of the total population), 38% were uprooted peasants, compared with 19% and 26% for the Mensheviks. In 1907, 78.3% of the Bolsheviks were Russian and 10% were Jewish (34% and 20% for the Mensheviks). Total membership was 8,400 in 1905, 13,000 in 1906 and 46,100 by 1907 (8,400, 18,000, 38,200 respectively for the Mensheviks). By 1910, both factions together had fewer than 10,000 members.[18]
Beginning of the 1905 Revolution (1903–1905)[edit]
The two factions were in a state of flux in 1903–04 with many members changing sides. The founder of Russian Marxism, Georgy Plekhanov, who was at first allied with Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks, parted ways with them by 1904. Leon Trotsky at first supported the Mensheviks, but left them in September 1904 over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals and their opposition to a reconciliation with Lenin and the Bolsheviks. He remained a self-described "non-factional social democrat" until August 1917 when he joined Lenin and the Bolsheviks as their positions assembled and he came to believe that Lenin was right on the issue of the party.
All but one member of the Central Committee were arrested in Moscow in early 1905. The remaining member, with the power of appointing a new one, was won over by the Bolsheviks.[19]
The lines between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks hardened in April 1905 when the Bolsheviks held a Bolsheviks-only meeting in London, which they called the Third Party Congress. The Mensheviks organised a rival conference and the split was thus formalised.
The Bolsheviks played a relatively minor role in the 1905 Revolution, and were a minority in the Saint Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies led by Trotsky. The less significant Moscow Soviet, however, was dominated by the Bolsheviks. These soviets became the model for those formed in 1917.
The Mensheviks ("The minority") (1906–1907)[edit]
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
As the Russian Revolution of 1905 progressed, Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and smaller non-Russian social democratic parties operating within the Russian Empire attempted to reunify at the Fourth (Unification) Congress of the RSDLP held at Folkets hus, Norra Bantorget in Stockholm, April 1906. When the Mensheviks struck an alliance with the Jewish Bund, the Bolsheviks found themselves in a minority.
However, all factions retained their respective factional structure and the Bolsheviks formed the Bolshevik Centre, the de facto governing body of the Bolshevik faction within the RSDLP. At the Fifth Congress held in London in May 1907, the Bolsheviks were in the majority, but the two factions continued functioning mostly independently of each other.
Split between Lenin and Bogdanov (1908–10)[edit]
Tensions had existed between Lenin and Bogdanov as early as 1904: Lenin had fallen out with Nikolai Valentinov, after the latter had introduced him to Ernst Mach's Empiriocriticism, a viewpoint that Bogdanov had been exploring and developing as Empiriomonism. Having worked as co-editor with Plekhanov on Zayra he had come to agree with the latter's rejection of Bogdanov's Empiriomonism.[20] With the defeat of the revolution in mid-1907 and the adoption of a new, highly restrictive election law, the Bolsheviks began debating whether to boycott the new parliament known as the Third Duma. Lenin, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and others argued for participating in the Duma while Alexander Bogdanov, Anatoly Lunacharsky, Mikhail Pokrovsky and others argued that the social democratic faction in the Duma should be recalled.[21] The latter became known as recallists ("otzovists" in Russian). A smaller group within the Bolshevik faction demanded that the RSDLP central committee should give its sometimes unruly Duma faction an ultimatum, demanding complete subordination to all party decisions. This group became known as "ultimatists" and was generally allied with the recallists.
With most Bolshevik leaders either supporting Bogdanov or undecided by mid-1908 when the differences became irreconcilable, Lenin concentrated on undermining Bogdanov's reputation as a philosopher. In 1909, he published a scathing book of criticism entitled Materialism and Empirio-criticism (1909),[22] assaulting Bogdanov's position and accusing him of philosophical idealism.[23] In June 1909, Bogdanov proposed the formation of Party Schools as "Proletarian Universities" at a Bolshevik mini-conference in Paris organised by the editorial board of the Bolshevik magazine Proletary in June 1909. However, this was not accepted and Lenin tried to expel him from the Bolshevik faction.[24] Bogdanov was then involved with setting up Vpered, which ran the Capri Party School from August to December 1909.[25]
Final attempt at party unity (1910)[edit]
With both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks weakened by splits within their ranks and by Tsarist repression, they were tempted to try to re-unite the party. In January 1910, Leninists, recallists and various Menshevik factions held a meeting of the party's Central Committee in Paris. Kamenev and Zinoviev were dubious about the idea, but were willing to give it a try under pressure from "conciliator" Bolsheviks like Victor Nogin.
One of the more underlying reasons that aided in preventing any reunification of the party was the Russian police. The police were able to infiltrate both parties' inner circles by sending in spies who then reported on the opposing party's intentions and hostilities.[26] This allowed the tensions to remain high between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. In turn it prevented them from uniting under common ground which could have possibly sped up the entire revolution.
Lenin was firmly opposed to any re-unification, but was outvoted within the Bolshevik leadership. The meeting reached a tentative agreement and one of its provisions made Trotsky's Vienna-based Pravda a party-financed 'central organ'. Kamenev, Trotsky's brother-in-law, was added to the editorial board from the Bolsheviks, but the unification attempts failed in August 1910 when Kamenev resigned from the board amid mutual recriminations.
Forming a separate party (1912)[edit]
The factions permanently broke off relations in January 1912 after the Bolsheviks organised a Bolsheviks-only Prague Party Conference and formally expelled Mensheviks and recallists from the party. As a result, they ceased to be a faction in the RSDLP and instead declared themselves an independent party, called Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (bolsheviks) – or RSDLP(b). Unofficially the Party has been referred to as the "Bolshevik Party". Throughout the century, the Party adopted a number of different names. In 1918, RSDLP(b) became (All-)Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) and remained so until 1925. From 1925–52 the name was All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks), and from 1952–1991 Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
As the party split became permanent and politically recognized in 1912 due to an all Bolshevik meeting of Congress further divisions became evident. One of the most notable differences was how each faction decided to fund its revolution. The Mensheviks decided to fund their revolution through membership dues while Lenin often resorted to much more drastic measures since he required a higher budget.[27] One of the common methods the Bolsheviks used was committing bank robberies, one of which in 1907 resulted in the party gaining over 250,000 rubles which is the equivalent of about $125,000.[27] Bolsheviks were in constant need of money because Lenin practiced his beliefs exercised in his writings that revolutions must be led by individuals who devote their entire life to the cause. To compensate he awarded them with salaries for their sacrifice and dedication. This measure was taken to help ensure that the revolutionists stayed focused on their duties and motivated them to perform their jobs. Lenin also used the party money to print and copy pamphlets which were distributed in cities and at political rallies in attempts to expand their operations. This was an obvious difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks party beliefs. Both factions also managed to gain funds simply by receiving donations from wealthy supporters.
Further differences in party agendas became evident as the beginning of World War I loomed near. Stalin was especially eager for the start of the war, hoping that it would turn into a war between classes or essentially a Russian Civil War.[28] This desire for war was fueled by Lenin's vision that the workers and peasants would resist joining the war effort, and therefore be more compelled to join the socialist movement. Through the increase in support Russia would then be forced to withdraw from the Allied Powers in order to resolve her internal conflict. Unfortunately for the Bolsheviks, Lenin's assumptions were incorrect and despite his and the party's attempts to push for a civil war through involvement in two conferences in 1915 and 1916 in Switzerland the party remained in the minority in calling for the ceasefire by the Russian Army in World War I.[28]
Although the Bolshevik leadership decided to form a separate party, convincing pro-Bolshevik workers within Russia to follow suit proved difficult. When the first meeting of the Fourth Duma was convened in late 1912, only one out of six Bolshevik deputies, Matvei Muranov, (another one, Roman Malinovsky, was later exposed as an Okhrana [Tsarist secret police] agent) voted to break away from the Menshevik faction within the Duma on 15 December 1912.[29] The Bolshevik leadership eventually prevailed and the Bolsheviks formed their own Duma faction in September 1913.
One final difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks was simply how ferocious and tenacious the party was willing to be in order to achieve its goals. Lenin was open minded to retreating on political ideas if he saw the guarantee of long term gains benefiting the party. This practice was commonly seen trying to recruit peasants and uneducated workers by promising them how glorious life would be after the revolution. His approach was "land seizure for the peasants and national self-determination for the minorities – as nothing more than temporary concessions."[27]
In 1918, at Lenin's suggestion, the party renamed itself the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In 1925, this was changed to All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In 1952, at the 19th Party Congress, according to Stalin's suggestion, the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Derogatory usage of "Bolshevik"[edit]
"Down with Bolshevism. Bolshevism brings war and destruction, hunger and death", anti-Bolshevik propaganda, Germany, 1919
"Bolo" was a derogatory expression for Bolsheviks used by British service personnel in the North Russian Expeditionary Force which intervened against the Red Army during the Russian Civil War.[30] Adolf Hitler, Joseph Goebbels, and other Nazi leaders used it in reference to the worldwide political movement coordinated by the Comintern.[31] During the days of the Cold War in the United Kingdom, labour union leaders and other leftists were sometimes derisively described as "Bolshies". The usage is roughly equivalent to the term "Commie", "Red", or "pinko" in the United States during the same period. The term "Bolshie" later became a slang term for anyone who was rebellious, aggressive, or truculent.[32]
Non-Russian/Soviet groups having used the name "Bolshevik"[edit]
Bangladesh: Maoist Bolshevik Reorganisation Movement of the Purba Banglar Sarbahara Party
Burkina Faso: Burkinabé Bolshevik Party
India: Bolshevik Party of India
India/Sri Lanka: Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
India: Revolutionary Socialist Party (Bolshevik)
Mexico: Bolshevik Communist Party
Senegal: Bolshevik Nuclei
Sri Lanka: Bolshevik Samasamaja Party
Turkey: Bolshevik Party (North Kurdistan – Turkey)
See also[edit]
Democratic centralism
Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks
Leninism
October Revolution
Old Bolshevik
Soviet Revolutionary Communists (Bolsheviks)
Vladimir Lenin
Marxism–Leninism
Trotskyism
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Both a synonym to "Bolshevik" and an adherent of Bolshevik policies.[2]
Jump up ^ Derived from меньшинство men'shinstvo, "minority", which comes from меньше men'she, "less". The split occurred at the Second Party Congress in 1903.
Jump up ^ After the split, the Bolshevik party was designated as RSDLP(b) (Russian: РСДРП(б)), where "b" stands for "Bolsheviks". Shortly after coming to power in November 1917 the party changed its name to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (РКП(б)) and was generally known as the Communist Party after that point, however, it was not until 1952 that the party formally dropped the word "Bolshevik" from its name. See Congress of the CPSU article for the timeline of name changes.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Большевистский", Ushakov's Explanatory Dictionary of Russian Language .
Jump up ^ "Bolshevist", Dictionary, Dictionary.reference.com
Jump up ^ "Bolsheviki Seize State Buildings, Defying Kerensky". The New York Times. 7 November 1917. Retrieved 22 December 2013.
Jump up ^ Suny, Ronald Grigor (1998). The Soviet Experiment. London: Oxford University Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-19-508105-3.
Jump up ^ Shub 1976, p. 81.
Jump up ^ Service, Robert (2010). Lenin : a biography (paperback)|format= requires |url= (help). London: Pan. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-33051838-3.
Jump up ^ Shub 1976, p. 76.
^ Jump up to: a b Pipes 1995, p. 104.
^ Jump up to: a b Pipes 1995, p. 106.
^ Jump up to: a b Formation of the Russian social-democratic labor party. Appearance of the bolshevik & the menshevik groups within the party. New York: International Publishers. 1939.
Jump up ^ Tucker 1975.
Jump up ^ Tucker 1975, p. xxxviii.
Jump up ^ Getzler, Israel (2003) [1967], Martov: A Political Biography of a Russian Social Democrat, Cambridge University Press, p. 78, ISBN 0-521-52602-7 .
Jump up ^ Wilson, Edmund (1977). To the Finland Station. London: Fontana. p. 402. ISBN 0-00-632420-7.
Jump up ^ Antonelli, Étienne (1920), Bolshevik Russia, Charles A. Carroll trans, AA Knopf, p. 59, the term 'Maximalist' rather widely used as a translation for 'Bolshevik' is historically false. 307 pp.
Jump up ^ Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905, p. 4 .
Jump up ^ Cliff, Tony, Lenin and the Revolutionary Party, p. 37 .
Jump up ^ Pipes, Richard, The Russian Revolution, pp. 364–5 .
Jump up ^ McDaniel, Tim, Autocracy, capitalism, and revolution in Russia, p. 246 .
Jump up ^ Biggart, John (1989). Alexander Bogdanov, left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904–1932. Norwich: University of East Angla. ASIN B001ON1IY4.
Jump up ^ Wolfe, Bertram D. (1966). Three Who Made a Revolution. London: Penguin. p. 410. ISBN 0-14-020783-X.
Jump up ^ Materialism & Empiriocriticism, Moscow: Zveno Publishers, May 1909 .
Jump up ^ Woods, Alan (1999), "Part Three: The Period of Reaction", Bolshevism: The Road to Revolution, Wellred, ISBN 1-900007-05-3 .
Jump up ^ Daniels, Robert V, ed. (1993), A Documentary History of Communism in Russia, UPNE, p. 33, ISBN 0-87451-616-1 .
Jump up ^ Marot, John Eric (July 1990). "Alexander Bogdanov, Vpered, and the Role of the Intellectual in the Workers' Movement". Russian Review. Blackwell. 49 (3 (Special Issue on Alexander Bogdanov)): 241–64. JSTOR 130152.
Jump up ^ Pipes 1995, p. 109.
^ Jump up to: a b c Pipes 1995, p. 108.
^ Jump up to: a b Pipes 1995, p. 111.
Jump up ^ McKean, Robert B (1990), St. Petersburg Between the Revolutions: workers and revolutionaries, June 1907 – February 1917, New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 140–1 .
Jump up ^ "North Russian Expeditionary Force 1919, Scrapbook Diary, Photographs, Mementoes", Naval History, retrieved 14 June 2012 .
Jump up ^ Collins Mini Dictionary, 1998.
Jump up ^ "bolshie". The free dictionary. Retrieved 2014-03-08.
Sources[edit]
Pipes, Richard (1995), A concise History of the Russian Revolution, New York, ISBN 978-0-679-42277-8 .
Shub, David (1976), Lenin : a biography (rev. ed.), Harmondsworth: Penguin, ISBN 978-0-14020809-2 .
Tucker, Robert (1975), The Lenin Anthology, New York: WW Norton & Co, ISBN 978-0-393-09236-3 .
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Bolsheviks.
Look up Bolshevik or Bolshevism in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Wikisource has the text of the 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica article Bolshevism.
Woods, Alan, Bolshevism, the Road to Revolution, Marxist .
"Chronology of the Bolshevik Party World History Database", Dates of History .
Brinton, Maurice, The Bolsheviks and Workers Control, Libcom .
The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism at Project Gutenberg by Bertrand Russell, November 1920
Bobrovskaya, Cecilia, Twenty Years in Underground Russia: Memoirs of a Rank-and-File Bolshevik, Marxists, archived from the original on 2003-02-25 .
Schulman, Jason (December 28, 2017), Bolshevism, Real and Imagined, Jacobin .
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text:
Gun laws in Indiana
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Location of Indiana in the United States
Gun laws in Indiana regulate the sale, possession, and use of firearms and ammunition in the U.S. state of Indiana.
Contents
[hide]
1 Summary table
2 State preemption
3 Carrying handguns
4 Restricted locations
5 Ownership and purchase
6 Reciprocity
7 Firearm (Handgun) License Statistics
8 Loss of Firearm Rights
9 Restoration of Firearm Rights
10 Other laws
11 References
Summary table[edit]
Subject/Law
Long guns
Handguns
Relevant Statutes
Notes
Permit to purchase? No No None
Firearm registration? No No None
Assault weapon law? No No None
Magazine capacity restriction? No No None
Owner license required? No No None
Carry license required? No Yes IC 35-47-2-3 Shall-Issue. Officially "License to Carry Handgun", which covers concealed and open carry.
As of July 1, 2017, persons who a) are at least 18 years old, b) are protected by a protection order, c) have applied for a license, and d) are not prohibited from possessing a handgun may carry a handgun without a license for 60 days from the date of the protection order being issued.[1]
Open carry? Yes Yes IC 35-47-2-3 May carry openly with license. According to the state's official website, "carrying an exposed firearm in public may be alarming to some people and create unnecessary and unwanted attention to yourself."[2]
On May 9, 2017, the Indiana Supreme Court ruled that detaining an individual based solely upon their possession of a handgun (in order to verify that they are licensed) violates the Fourth Amendment absent any other reasonable articulable suspicion of a crime being committed.[3]
Vehicle carry? Yes Yes IC 35-47-2-3 May carry in a vehicle with license. [4]
State preemption of local restrictions? Yes Yes IC 35-47-11.1-2 Enacted in 2011
NFA weapons restricted? No No IC 35-47-5-10 Federal laws observed.
Shall certify? Yes Yes Shall certify within 15 days.[5]
Peaceable journey laws? No No None Federal rules observed.
Castle Doctrine law? Yes Yes IC 35-41-3-2 No duty to retreat from dwelling, curtilage, or occupied motor vehicle.
Duty to inform? No No IC 35-47-2-24 Indiana law does not require one to disclose possession of a firearm on contact with Law Enforcement.
Background checks required for private sales? No No None
Red flag law? Yes Yes IC 35-47-14-6(b) The police may temporarily confiscate firearms from people who are threatening to harm themselves or others, and then get a court order afterwards.
State preemption[edit]
Local laws regulating the possession and ownership of ammunition, firearms and shooting accessories are prohibited per IC 35–47–11.1–2, subject to the exemptions listed in IC 35–47–11.1–4. (New provisions effective 2011 Jul 01.)
Carrying handguns[edit]
Indiana requires a license for most methods of carrying a handgun. Indiana laws are silent concerning the manner of carry; therefore, the laws cover open carry, concealed carry, vehicle carry, and locked case carry. There are exceptions for carrying a handgun unloaded, not readily accessible, and secured in a case in a vehicle, on your own property, from place of purchase and to a firearm range for the purpose of practice.[6]
Indiana is a "shall issue" state for the License To Carry a Handgun.[7] A license to carry will be issued to individuals age 18 or older who meet a number of legal requirements. Currently both limited term and unlimited lifetime licenses are available.
Grounds for disqualification include a conviction for a felony or for misdemeanor domestic battery. A license can also be denied if the applicant has been arrested for a violent crime and "a court has found probable cause to believe that the person committed the offense charged". Documented substance abuse within a certain time frame is a disqualifier, as is documented evidence of any given person's "propensity for violent or emotionally unstable conduct."
Indiana residents, or non-residents with a "regular place of business" in Indiana, must obtain an Indiana license. Application for a license must be made to the local police department, or absent that, to the county police department. Four-year and lifetime permits are issued for Indiana residents. Out-of-state residents may only be issued four-year permits, minus Active Duty Military who become stationed in Indiana. Active Duty military stationed in Indiana can apply for lifetime permits through their local city or county police department.
Indiana law stands mute vis-à-vis long gun carry. There are some Department of Natural Resources (DNR) rules, but these only apply on DNR properties or to hunters. Generally speaking, possession of long guns is legal whether the gun is either on one's person or in one's motor vehicle, loaded or not, concealed or not. There are additional rules regarding firearms possession on ATVs and snowmobiles.
Restricted locations[edit]
It is illegal to carry a concealed weapon, even sporting arms, on school property (K-12 and day care) or on a school bus,[8] Lawful gun owners may have guns in their vehicles on school property provided the gun is stored out of plain sight in the person's locked motor vehicle[9] or that the driver is only transporting someone to, or from, a school event. It is also illegal to carry on a commercial airplane or in the controlled section of an airport,[10] on a riverboat gambling cruise, at the Indiana State Fair, courthouses and the Indiana Statehouse and Government Center. Carrying on Army Corps of Engineers property which include Brookville Lake, Cagles Mill Lake, Cecil M. Harden Lake, J. Edward Roush Lake, Mississinewa Lake, Monroe Lake, Patoka Lake, and Salamonie Lake is restricted according to CFR Title 36, Chapter 111, Part 327.[11]
Private businesses may restrict or forbid firearms on their properties. However, a 2010 law prohibits employers from discharging employees for in-vehicle firearms possession on business property.[12] Furthermore, an employer may not ask any employee about the possession of firearms and/or ammunition.[13]
Ownership and purchase[edit]
Firearms dealers or private individuals may not sell any firearm to someone less than 18 years old, or less than 23 years old if the buyer was "adjudicated a delinquent child for an act that would be a felony if committed by an adult", or to a person who is mentally incompetent or is a drug or alcohol abuser.[citation needed]
All NFA-regulated weapons and devices are legal in Indiana.
Reciprocity[edit]
Indiana honors all other states handgun licenses, though not all other states honor Indiana's license.[14] Because there is no obligation for one state to notify another state of any change in their gun laws the Indiana State Police does not attempt to track this information. An Illinois Firearms Owners Identification (FOID) card allows Illinois residents to purchase and possess firearms and ammunition. The FOID is not a permit to carry a handgun, therefore it is not honored as such by Indiana,[15] but the Illinois license to carry a concealed firearm, first issued in February 2014, is honored like that of any other state.
The following states have established arrangements where they recognize or honor permits or licenses issued by the State of Indiana: Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.[16]
Firearm (Handgun) License Statistics[edit]
In January 2013, the Indiana State Police Firearms Section began publishing quarterly reports that show the number of active handgun licenses held by Indiana residents. As of December 31, 2015, there were 661,334 active licenses to carry firearms issued by Indiana, with 23.8% being issued to females. In 2015, 5.4% of all applicants were rejected for various reasons, 15.5% of rejected applicants being female. [17]
Loss of Firearm Rights[edit]
Both Indiana and Federal laws restrict purchase and possession under certain circumstances. Federal law prohibits possession of firearms for life by those convicted of felonies and for those convicted of misdemeanors involving domestic violence. Indiana law prohibits as follows:
IC 35-47-2-1 prohibits carrying handguns or possession within dwelling by those convicted of domestic battery.
IC 35-47-4-6 states that it is a Class A misdemeanor for a person convicted of domestic battery to possess a firearm.
IC 35-47-2-7 prohibits transfer or sale of firearms to any person with a felony conviction.
IC 35-47-4-5 prohibits possession of firearms for convictions of “serious violent felonies”.
While Indiana law mirrors federal law for the most part, it does not ban those with non-violent felonies from possession of firearms. Therefore, a person with a non-violent felony in Indiana would be allowed to possess a firearm under Indiana law, but because federal law prohibits possession in this instance, that person would be unable to purchase a firearm since purchasing a firearm is subject to federal law and a NICS background check. [18]
Restoration of Firearm Rights[edit]
Because firearm rights are governed by state and federal law, whether someone can restore those rights can be a tricky question even for an attorney to answer. In some circumstances a person might be able to restore their Indiana rights while not fully restoring their federal rights.
For those barred from possession because of a conviction for domestic battery, Indiana Code § 35-47-4-7 allows one to petition the court for restoration of the right after 5 years from the date of conviction.
Restoration of rights for those convicted of felonies is usually barred by federal law. This arises because federal law does not recognize expungements as restoring firearm rights if the expungement does not fully satisfy federal law by fully sealing the conviction so that it cannot be used in subsequent proceedings. Therefore, while an Indiana expungement restores civil rights (except for domestic battery, which requires a separate petition), it does not restore one’s federal rights. The only exception is for non-violent Class D felony convictions. Because Indiana law allows those with non-violent Class D felony convictions to petition the court to reduce the felony to a Class A misdemeanor, unless a person was barred by other convictions, a successful reduction will restore a person’s rights under federal and state law. [19]
Other laws[edit]
In Indiana, the police may temporarily confiscate firearms from people who are threatening to harm themselves or others. No warrant or judge's signature is necessary. The police must submit a written statement describing why the person whose guns were seized is considered dangerous, and the person can respond at a hearing. Within 14 days a judge must agree that probable cause exists, or the person's guns must be returned.[20][21][22][23]
Cartridges that "can be fired in a handgun" that have "a projectile that has a metal core and an outer coating of plastic" are prohibited. "This section does not apply to nylon coated ammunition, plastic shot capsules, or ammunition designed to be used in rifles or shotguns."
Indiana provides lawsuit protection to law-abiding manufacturers, sellers, and trade associations for the misuse of firearms by third parties. Lawsuits are permitted for cases of damage or injury caused by defective firearms or ammunition, or breach of contract or warranty.[24]
Indiana's law about self-defense (and the defense of others) can be found at Indiana Code, Title 35, Article 41, Chapter 3–2.
Suppressors are legal in the state of Indiana with the correct provisions and tax stamps to the correct federal entities and may be used for hunting.
The information in this article is either directly stated (or inferred) from Indiana Code, Title 35, Article 47, Chapters 1–14, Title 34, Article 28, Chapter 7 and Title 34, Article 12, Chapter 3.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ NRA-ILA. "NRA-ILA | Indiana: 2017 Legislative Session Adjourns". NRA-ILA. Retrieved 2017-05-03.
Jump up ^ "Does Indiana law require me to carry my handgun on my person in a concealed or exposed manner?", Frequently Asked Questions, IN.gov. Retrieved August 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Gun Guy: Police May Not Detain Armed Hoosiers to Check for Handgun License | 93.1 WIBC". 93.1 WIBC. Retrieved 2017-05-12.
Jump up ^ "Does Indiana law require me to carry my handgun on my person in a concealed or exposed manner?", Frequently Asked Questions, IN.gov. Retrieved August 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ NRA-ILA. "NRA-ILA Indiana: Governor Pence Signs Pro-Gun Bill". NRA-ILA. Retrieved 2016-03-27.
Jump up ^ "IC 35-47-2-1".
Jump up ^ "IC 35–47–2–3 – Application for license to carry handgun; procedure". In.gov. Retrieved November 23, 2011.
Jump up ^ "IC 35–47–9 – Possession of Firearms on School Property and School Buses". In.gov. Retrieved March 21, 2015.
Jump up ^ https://iga.in.gov/legislative/2014/bills/senate/229#digest-heading
Jump up ^ "IC 35–47–6 – Weapons on Aircraft". In.gov. Retrieved March 16, 2012.
Jump up ^ "US ARMY CORPS OF ENGINEERS" (PDF). Retrieved May 25, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Possession of Firearms and Ammunition in Locked Vehicles". In.gov. Retrieved November 23, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Disclosure of Firearm or Ammunition Information as a Condition of Employment". In.gov. Retrieved November 23, 2011.
Jump up ^ https://iga.in.gov/static-documents/6/c/b/b/6cbb10c7/TITLE35_AR47_ch2.pdf
Jump up ^ "Indiana State Police: Firearm FAQ" (PDF). IN.gov. Retrieved November 14, 2013.
Jump up ^ "National Rifle Association: Indiana: State Gun Laws: Reciprocity". NRA. Retrieved November 14, 2013.
Jump up ^ "Indiana State Police: Firearms Licensing Statistics 2015" (PDF). IN.gov. Retrieved February 16, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Restoring Firearm Rights in Indiana".
Jump up ^ "Restoring Firearm Rights in Indiana".
Jump up ^ Hussein, Fatima; Martin, Ryan (February 22, 2018). "Indiana's 'Red Flag' Gun Law Is Getting National Attention. But Does It Work?". The Indianapolis Star. Retrieved February 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ Covington, Olivia (February 22, 2018). "Hill Meets Trump on Gun Reform, Points Out Indiana 'Red Flag Law'". The Indiana Lawyer. Retrieved February 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ Leblanc, Matthew (March 4, 2018). "Local Agencies Hail 'Red Flag' Law". The Journal Gazette. Retrieved March 4, 2018.
Jump up ^ Carden, Dan; Cross, Lauren (March 14, 2018). "Law Letting Officers Take Guns from Dangerous Individuals in Indiana Could Become National Model". Purdue Exponent. Retrieved March 16, 2018.
Jump up ^ "IC 34-12-3: Legal Actions Involving Firearms and Ammunition". In.gov. 2001-04-18. Retrieved March 16, 2012.
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