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Lawrence Kohlberg's stages of moral development
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Lawrence Kohlberg's stages of moral development constitute an adaptation of a psychological theory originally conceived by the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget. Kohlberg began work on this topic while a psychology graduate student at the University of Chicago[1] in 1958, and expanded upon the theory throughout his life.
The theory holds that moral reasoning, the basis for ethical behavior, has six identifiable developmental stages, each more adequate at responding to moral dilemmas than its predecessor.[2] Kohlberg followed the development of moral judgment far beyond the ages studied earlier by Piaget,[3] who also claimed that logic and morality develop through constructive stages.[2] Expanding on Piaget's work, Kohlberg determined that the process of moral development was principally concerned with justice, and that it continued throughout the individual's lifetime,[4] a notion that spawned dialogue on the philosophical implications of such research.[5][6]
The six stages of moral development are grouped into three levels of morality: pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional morality.
For his studies, Kohlberg relied on stories such as the Heinz dilemma, and was interested in how individuals would justify their actions if placed in similar moral dilemmas. He then analyzed the form of moral reasoning displayed, rather than its conclusion,[6] and classified it as belonging to one of six distinct stages.[7][8][9]
There have been critiques of the theory from several perspectives. Arguments include that it emphasizes justice to the exclusion of other moral values, such as caring;[10] that there is such an overlap between stages that they should more properly be regarded as separate domains; or that evaluations of the reasons for moral choices are mostly post hoc rationalizations (by both decision makers and psychologists) of essentially intuitive decisions.[11]
Nevertheless, an entirely new field within psychology was created as a direct result of Kohlberg's theory, and according to Haggbloom et al.'s study of the most eminent psychologists of the 20th century, Kohlberg was the 16th most frequently cited in introductory psychology textbooks throughout the century, as well as the 30th most eminent overall.[12]
Kohlberg's scale is about how people justify behaviors and his stages are not a method of ranking how moral someone's behavior is. There should, however, be a correlation between how someone scores on the scale and how they behave, and the general hypothesis is that moral behaviour is more responsible, consistent and predictable from people at higher levels.[13]
Contents
[hide]
1 Stages
1.1 Pre-conventional
1.2 Conventional
1.3 Post-conventional
1.4 Further stages
2 Theoretical assumptions (philosophy)
2.1 Formal elements
3 Examples of applied moral dilemmas
4 Criticisms
5 Continued relevance
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Stages[edit]
Kohlberg's six stages can be more generally grouped into three levels of two stages each: pre-conventional, conventional and post-conventional.[7][8][9] Following Piaget's constructivist requirements for a stage model, as described in his theory of cognitive development, it is extremely rare to regress in stages—to lose the use of higher stage abilities.[14][15] Stages cannot be skipped; each provides a new and necessary perspective, more comprehensive and differentiated than its predecessors but integrated with them.[14][15]
Level 1 (Pre-Conventional)
1. Obedience and punishment orientation
(How can I avoid punishment?)
2. Self-interest orientation
(What's in it for me?)
(Paying for a benefit)
Level 2 (Conventional)
3. Interpersonal accord and conformity
(Social norms)
(The good boy/girl attitude)
4. Authority and social-order maintaining orientation
(Law and order morality)
Level 3 (Post-Conventional)
5. Social contract orientation
6. Universal ethical principles
(Principled conscience)
The understanding gained in each stage is retained in later stages, but may be regarded by those in later stages as simplistic, lacking in sufficient attention to detail.
Pre-conventional[edit]
The pre-conventional level of moral reasoning is especially common in children, although adults can also exhibit this level of reasoning. Reasoners at this level judge the morality of an action by its direct consequences. The pre-conventional level consists of the first and second stages of moral development and is solely concerned with the self in an egocentric manner. A child with pre-conventional morality has not yet adopted or internalized society's conventions regarding what is right or wrong but instead focuses largely on external consequences that certain actions may bring.[7][8][9]
In Stage one (obedience and punishment driven), individuals focus on the direct consequences of their actions on themselves. For example, an action is perceived as morally wrong because the perpetrator is punished. "The last time I did that I got spanked, so I will not do it again." The worse the punishment for the act is, the more "bad" the act is perceived to be.[16] This can give rise to an inference that even innocent victims are guilty in proportion to their suffering. It is "egocentric", lacking recognition that others' points of view are different from one's own.[17] There is "deference to superior power or prestige".[17]
An example of obedience and punishment driven morality would be a child refusing to do something because it is wrong and that the consequences could result in punishment. For example, a child's classmate tries to dare the child to skip school. The child would apply obedience and punishment driven morality by refusing to skip school because he would get punished.
Stage two (self-interest driven) expresses the "what's in it for me" position, in which right behavior is defined by whatever the individual believes to be in their best interest but understood in a narrow way which does not consider one's reputation or relationships to groups of people. Stage two reasoning shows a limited interest in the needs of others, but only to a point where it might further the individual's own interests. As a result, concern for others is not based on loyalty or intrinsic respect, but rather a "You scratch my back, and I'll scratch yours" mentality.[2] The lack of a societal perspective in the pre-conventional level is quite different from the social contract (stage five), as all actions at this stage have the purpose of serving the individual's own needs or interests. For the stage two theorist, the world's perspective is often seen as morally relative.
An example of self-interest driven is when a child is asked by his parents to do a chore. The child asks, "what's in it for me?" The parents offer the child an incentive by giving a child an allowance to pay them for their chores. The child is motivated by self-interest to do chores.
Conventional[edit]
The conventional level of moral reasoning is typical of adolescents and adults. To reason in a conventional way is to judge the morality of actions by comparing them to society's views and expectations. The conventional level consists of the third and fourth stages of moral development. Conventional morality is characterized by an acceptance of society's conventions concerning right and wrong. At this level an individual obeys rules and follows society's norms even when there are no consequences for obedience or disobedience. Adherence to rules and conventions is somewhat rigid, however, and a rule's appropriateness or fairness is seldom questioned.[7][8][9]
In Stage three (good intentions as determined by social consensus), the self enters society by conforming to social standards. Individuals are receptive to approval or disapproval from others as it reflects society's views. They try to be a "good boy" or "good girl" to live up to these expectations,[2] having learned that being regarded as good benefits the self. Stage three reasoning may judge the morality of an action by evaluating its consequences in terms of a person's relationships, which now begin to include things like respect, gratitude, and the "golden rule". "I want to be liked and thought well of; apparently, not being naughty makes people like me." Conforming to the rules for one's social role is not yet fully understood. The intentions of actors play a more significant role in reasoning at this stage; one may feel more forgiving if one thinks that "they mean well".[2]
In Stage four (authority and social order obedience driven), it is important to obey laws, dictums, and social conventions because of their importance in maintaining a functioning society. Moral reasoning in stage four is thus beyond the need for individual approval exhibited in stage three. A central ideal or ideals often prescribe what is right and wrong. If one person violates a law, perhaps everyone would—thus there is an obligation and a duty to uphold laws and rules. When someone does violate a law, it is morally wrong; culpability is thus a significant factor in this stage as it separates the bad domains from the good ones. Most active members of society remain at stage four, where morality is still predominantly dictated by an outside force.[2]
Post-conventional[edit]
The post-conventional level, also known as the principled level, is marked by a growing realization that individuals are separate entities from society, and that the individual's own perspective may take precedence over society's view; individuals may disobey rules inconsistent with their own principles. Post-conventional moralists live by their own ethical principles—principles that typically include such basic human rights as life, liberty, and justice. People who exhibit post-conventional morality view rules as useful but changeable mechanisms—ideally rules can maintain the general social order and protect human rights. Rules are not absolute dictates that must be obeyed without question. Because post-conventional individuals elevate their own moral evaluation of a situation over social conventions, their behavior, especially at stage six, can be confused with that of those at the pre-conventional level.[citation needed]
Some theorists have speculated that many people may never reach this level of abstract moral reasoning.[7][8][9]
In Stage five (social contract driven), the world is viewed as holding different opinions, rights, and values. Such perspectives should be mutually respected as unique to each person or community. Laws are regarded as social contracts rather than rigid edicts. Those that do not promote the general welfare should be changed when necessary to meet "the greatest good for the greatest number of people".[8] This is achieved through majority decision and inevitable compromise. Democratic government is ostensibly based on stage five reasoning.
In Stage six (universal ethical principles driven), moral reasoning is based on abstract reasoning using universal ethical principles. Laws are valid only insofar as they are grounded in justice, and a commitment to justice carries with it an obligation to disobey unjust laws. Legal rights are unnecessary, as social contracts are not essential for deontic moral action. Decisions are not reached hypothetically in a conditional way but rather categorically in an absolute way, as in the philosophy of Immanuel Kant.[18] This involves an individual imagining what they would do in another's shoes, if they believed what that other person imagines to be true.[19] The resulting consensus is the action taken. In this way action is never a means but always an end in itself; the individual acts because it is right, and not because it avoids punishment, is in their best interest, expected, legal, or previously agreed upon. Although Kohlberg insisted that stage six exists, he found it difficult to identify individuals who consistently operated at that level.[15] Touro College Researcher Arthur P. Sullivan helped support the accuracy of Kohlberg's first five stages through data analysis, but could not provide statistical evidence for the existence of Kohlberg's sixth stage. Therefore, it is difficult to define/recognize as a concrete stage in moral development.
Further stages[edit]
In his empirical studies of individuals throughout their life, Kohlberg observed that some had apparently undergone moral stage regression. This could be resolved either by allowing for moral regression or by extending the theory. Kohlberg chose the latter, postulating the existence of sub-stages in which the emerging stage has not yet been fully integrated into the personality.[8] In particular Kohlberg noted a stage 4½ or 4+, a transition from stage four to five, that shared characteristics of both.[8] In this stage the individual is disaffected with the arbitrary nature of law and order reasoning; culpability is frequently turned from being defined by society to viewing society itself as culpable. This stage is often mistaken for the moral relativism of stage two, as the individual views those interests of society that conflict with their own as being relatively and morally wrong.[8] Kohlberg noted that this was often observed in students entering college.[8][15]
Kohlberg suggested that there may be a seventh stage—Transcendental Morality, or Morality of Cosmic Orientation—which linked religion with moral reasoning.[20] Kohlberg's difficulties in obtaining empirical evidence for even a sixth stage,[15] however, led him to emphasize the speculative nature of his seventh stage.[5]
Theoretical assumptions (philosophy)[edit]
Kohlberg's stages of moral development are based on the assumption that humans are inherently communicative, capable of reason, and possess a desire to understand others and the world around them. The stages of this model relate to the qualitative moral reasonings adopted by individuals, and so do not translate directly into praise or blame of any individual's actions or character. Arguing that his theory measures moral reasoning and not particular moral conclusions, Kohlberg insists that the form and structure of moral arguments is independent of the content of those arguments, a position he calls "formalism".[6][7]
Kohlberg's theory centers on the notion that justice is the essential characteristic of moral reasoning. Justice itself relies heavily upon the notion of sound reasoning based on principles. Despite being a justice-centered theory of morality, Kohlberg considered it to be compatible with plausible formulations of deontology[18] and eudaimonia.
Kohlberg's theory understands values as a critical component of the right. Whatever the right is, for Kohlberg, it must be universally valid across societies (a position known as "moral universalism"):[7] there can be no relativism. Moreover, morals are not natural features of the world; they are prescriptive. Nevertheless, moral judgments can be evaluated in logical terms of truth and falsity.
According to Kohlberg, someone progressing to a higher stage of moral reasoning cannot skip stages. For example, an individual cannot jump from being concerned mostly with peer judgments (stage three) to being a proponent of social contracts (stage five).[15] On encountering a moral dilemma and finding their current level of moral reasoning unsatisfactory, however, an individual will look to the next level. Realizing the limitations of the current stage of thinking is the driving force behind moral development, as each progressive stage is more adequate than the last.[15] The process is therefore considered to be constructive, as it is initiated by the conscious construction of the individual, and is not in any meaningful sense a component of the individual's innate dispositions, or a result of past inductions.
Formal elements[edit]
Progress through Kohlberg's stages happens as a result of the individual's increasing competence, both psychologically and in balancing conflicting social-value claims. The process of resolving conflicting claims to reach an equilibrium is called "justice operation". Kohlberg identifies two of these justice operations: "equality", which involves an impartial regard for persons, and "reciprocity", which means a regard for the role of personal merit. For Kohlberg, the most adequate result of both operations is "reversibility", in which a moral or dutiful act within a particular situation is evaluated in terms of whether or not the act would be satisfactory even if particular persons were to switch roles within that situation (also known colloquially as "moral musical chairs").[6]
Knowledge and learning contribute to moral development. Specifically important are the individual's "view of persons" and their "social perspective level", each of which becomes more complex and mature with each advancing stage. The "view of persons" can be understood as the individual's grasp of the psychology of other persons; it may be pictured as a spectrum, with stage one having no view of other persons at all, and stage six being entirely socio-centric.[6] Similarly, the social perspective level involves the understanding of the social universe, differing from the view of persons in that it involves an appreciation of social norms.
Examples of applied moral dilemmas[edit]
Kohlberg established the Moral Judgement Interview in his original 1958 dissertation.[4] During the roughly 45-minute tape recorded semi-structured interview, the interviewer uses moral dilemmas to determine which stage of moral reasoning a person uses. The dilemmas are fictional short stories that describe situations in which a person has to make a moral decision. The participant is asked a systemic series of open-ended questions, like what they think the right course of action is, as well as justifications as to why certain actions are right or wrong. The form and structure of these replies are scored and not the content; over a set of multiple moral dilemmas an overall score is derived.[4][9]
A dilemma that Kohlberg used in his original research was the druggist's dilemma: Heinz Steals the Drug In Europe.[5]
Criticisms[edit]
One criticism of Kohlberg's theory is that it emphasizes justice to the exclusion of other values, and so may not adequately address the arguments of those who value other moral aspects of actions. Carol Gilligan has argued that Kohlberg's theory is overly androcentric.[10] Kohlberg's theory was initially developed based on empirical research using only male participants; Gilligan argued that it did not adequately describe the concerns of women.[21] Kohlberg stated that women tend to get stuck at level 3, focusing on details of how to maintain relationships and promote the welfare of family and friends. Men are likely to move on to the abstract principles, and thus have less concern with the particulars of who is involved.[22] Consistent with this observation, Gilligan's theory of moral development does not focus on the value of justice. She developed an alternative theory of moral reasoning based on the ethics of caring.[10] Critics such as Christina Hoff Sommers, however, argued that Gilligan's research is ill-founded, and that no evidence exists to support her conclusion.[23]
Kohlberg's stages are not culturally neutral, as demonstrated by its application to a number of different cultures.[1] Although they progress through the stages in the same order, individuals in different cultures seem to do so at different rates.[24] Kohlberg has responded by saying that although different cultures do indeed inculcate different beliefs, his stages correspond to underlying modes of reasoning, rather than to those beliefs.[1][25]
Another criticism of Kohlberg’s theory is that people frequently demonstrate significant inconsistency in their moral judgements.[26] This often occurs in moral dilemmas involving drinking and driving and business situations where participants have been shown to reason at a subpar stage, typically using more self-interest driven reasoning (i.e. stage two) than authority and social order obedience driven reasoning (i.e. stage four).[26][27] Kohlberg’s theory is generally considered to be incompatible with inconsistencies in moral reasoning.[26] Carpendale has argued that Kohlberg’s theory should be modified to focus on the view that the process of moral reasoning involves integrating varying perspectives of a moral dilemma rather than simply fixating on applying rules.[27] This view would allow for inconsistency in moral reasoning since individuals may be hampered by their inability to consider different perspectives.[26] Krebs and Denton have also attempted to modify Kohlberg’s theory to account for a multitude of conflicting findings, but eventually concluded that the theory is not equipped to take into consideration how most individuals make moral decisions in their everyday lives.[28]
Other psychologists have questioned the assumption that moral action is primarily a result of formal reasoning. Social intuitionists such as Jonathan Haidt, for example, argue that individuals often make moral judgments without weighing concerns such as fairness, law, human rights, or abstract ethical values. Thus the arguments analyzed by Kohlberg and other rationalist psychologists could be considered post hoc rationalizations of intuitive decisions; moral reasoning may be less relevant to moral action than Kohlberg's theory suggests.[11]
Continued relevance[edit]
Kohlberg's body of work on the stages of moral development has been utilized by others working in the field. One example is the Defining Issues Test (DIT) created in 1979 by James Rest,[29] originally as a pencil-and-paper alternative to the Moral Judgement Interview.[30] Heavily influenced by the six-stage model, it made efforts to improve the validity criteria by using a quantitative test, the Likert scale, to rate moral dilemmas similar to Kohlberg's.[31] It also used a large body of Kohlbergian theory such as the idea of "post-conventional thinking".[32][33] In 1999 the DIT was revised as the DIT-2;[30] the test continues to be used in many areas where moral testing is required,[34] such as divinity, politics, and medicine.[35][36][37]
See also[edit]
Psychology portal
Elliot Turiel
Robert Kegan
William Damon, Purpose
Jonathan Haidt, Social intuitionism
Carol Gilligan, Ethics of care
Jane Loevinger, Stages of ego development
James W. Fowler, Stages of faith development
Moral hierarchy
Positive disintegration
Universal value
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c Crain, William C. (1985). Theories of Development (2Rev ed.). Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-913617-7. Archived from the original on 2011-10-04.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Kohlberg, Lawrence (1973). "The Claim to Moral Adequacy of a Highest Stage of Moral Judgment". Journal of Philosophy. The Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 70, No. 18. 70 (18): 630–646. doi:10.2307/2025030. JSTOR 2025030.
Jump up ^ Piaget, Jean (1932). The Moral Judgment of the Child. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. ISBN 0-02-925240-7.
^ Jump up to: a b c Kohlberg, Lawrence (1958). The Development of Modes of Thinking and Choices in Years 10 to 16 (Ph.D. dissertation). University of Chicago.
^ Jump up to: a b c Kohlberg, Lawrence (1981). Essays on Moral Development, Vol. I: The Philosophy of Moral Development. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-064760-4.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Kohlberg, Lawrence; Charles Levine; Alexandra Hewer (1983). Moral stages : a current formulation and a response to critics. Basel, NY: Karger. ISBN 3-8055-3716-6.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Kohlberg, Lawrence (1971). From Is to Ought: How to Commit the Naturalistic Fallacy and Get Away with It in the Study of Moral Development. New York: Academic Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j Kohlberg, Lawrence (1976). "Moral stages and moralization: The cognitive-developmental approach". In Lickona, T. Moral Development and Behavior: Theory, Research and Social Issues. Holt, NY: Rinehart and Winston.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Colby, Anne; Kohlberg, L. (1987). The Measurement of Moral Judgment Vol. 2: Standard Issue Scoring Manual. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-24447-1.
^ Jump up to: a b c Gilligan, Carol (1982). "In a Different Voice: Women's Conceptions of Self and Morality". Harvard Educational Review. 47 (4).
^ Jump up to: a b Haidt, J (2001). "The emotional dog and its rational tail: A social intuitionist approach to moral judgment". Psychological Review. 108: 814–834. doi:10.1037/0033-295x.108.4.814.
Jump up ^ Haggbloom, S.J.; et al. (2002). "The 100 Most Eminent Psychologists of the 20th Century". Review of General Psychology. 6 (2): 139–15. doi:10.1037/1089-2680.6.2.139.
Jump up ^ Section on Kohlberg's stages from "Theories of Development" by W.C. Crain (1985) Archived 2011-10-04 at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b Walker, Lawrence, J. (February 1989). "A longitudinal study of moral reasoning". Child Development. Child Development, Vol. 60, No. 1. 60 (1): 157–166. doi:10.2307/1131081. JSTOR 1131081. PMID 2702866.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Colby, Anne; Gibbs, J.; Lieberman, M.; Kohlberg, L. (1983). A Longitudinal Study of Moral Judgment: A Monograph for the Society of Research in Child Development. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. ISBN 99932-7-870-X.
Jump up ^ Shaffer, David R. (2004). Social and Personality Development (5th ed.). Wadsworth Publishing. ISBN 0-534-60700-4.
^ Jump up to: a b Kohlberg, Lawrence (Oct 1974). "Education, Moral Development and Faith". Journal of Moral Education. 4 (1): 5–16. doi:10.1080/0305724740040102.
^ Jump up to: a b Kant, Immanuel (1964). Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals. Harper and Row Publishers, Inc. ISBN 0-06-131159-6.
Jump up ^ * Rawls, John (1971). A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, MA: Belkap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01772-2.
Jump up ^ Kohlberg, Lawrence; Power, Clark (1981). "Moral Development, Religious Thinking, and the Question of a Seventh Stage". In Kohlberg, Lawrence. Essays on Moral Development Vol. I: Philosophy of Moral Development. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-064760-4.
Jump up ^ Woolfolk, Anita (2012). Educational Psychology. Prentice Hall. p. 101. ISBN 9780132893589.
Jump up ^ Waller, Bruce (2005). Consider Ethics: Theory, Readings, and Contemporary Issues. Pearson Education. p. 115. ISBN 0321202805.
Jump up ^ Sommers, The War Against Boys.
Jump up ^ Harkness, Sara; Edwards, Carolyn P.; Super, Charles M. (1981). "The Claim to Moral Adequacy of a Highest Stage of Moral Judgment". Developmental Psychology. 17 (5): 595–603. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.17.5.595.
Jump up ^ Kohlberg, Lawrence; Carol Gilligan (1971). The Adolescent as a Philosopher: The Discovery of the Self in a Postconventional World. Daedalus.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Parke, R. D.; Gauvain, M.; Schmuckler, M. A. (2010). Child psychology : a contemporary viewpoint (3rd Canadian ed.). Whitby, ON: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ISBN 0070782385.
^ Jump up to: a b Carpendale, J (1 June 2000). "Kohlberg and Piaget on Stages and Moral Reasoning". Developmental Review. 20 (2): 181–205. doi:10.1006/drev.1999.0500.
Jump up ^ Krebs, Dennis L.; Denton, Kathy (1 January 2005). "Toward a More Pragmatic Approach to Morality: A Critical Evaluation of Kohlberg's Model" (PDF). Psychological Review. 112 (3): 629–649. doi:10.1037/0033-295X.112.3.629. PMID 16060754.
Jump up ^ Rest, James (1979). Development in Judging Moral Issues. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0-8166-0891-1.
^ Jump up to: a b Rest, James; Narvaez, D.; Bebeau, M.; Thoma, S. (1999). "DIT-2: Devising and testing a new instrument of moral judgment". Journal of Educational Psychology. 91 (4): 644–659. doi:10.1037/0022-0663.91.4.644.
Jump up ^ "Center for the Study of Ethical Development". DIT --Sample Dilemma: Heinz and the Drug. Archived from the original (Website) on 2007-06-29. Retrieved 2006-12-05.
Jump up ^ Rest, James; Narvaez, D.; Bebeau, M.; Thoma, S. (1999). "A Neo-Kohlbergian Approach: The DIT and Schema Theory". Educational Psychology Review. 11 (4): 291–324. doi:10.1023/A:1022053215271.
Jump up ^ Rest, James; Narvaez, D.; Bebeau, M.; Thoma, S. (1999). Postconventional Moral Thinking: A Neo-Kohlbergian Approach. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. ISBN 0-8058-3285-8.
Jump up ^ Rest, James (1986). Moral development: Advances in research and theory. In collaboration with Barnett, R.; Bebeau, M.; Deemer, D.; Getz, I.; Moon, Y.; Spickelmeier, J.; Thoma, S. and Volker, J. Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-92254-5.
Jump up ^ Bunch, Wilton H. (2005). "Changing moral judgement in divinity students". Journal of Moral Education. 34 (3): 363–370. doi:10.1080/03057240500211543.
Jump up ^ Muhlberger, P. (2000). "Moral reasoning effects on political participation". Political Psychology. 21 (4): 667–695. doi:10.1111/0162-895X.00212.
Jump up ^ Hedl, John J.; Glazer, H.; Chan, F. (2005). "Improving the Moral Reasoning of Allied Health Students". Journal of Allied Health. 34 (2): 121–122. PMID 16032920.
Further reading[edit]
Crain, William C. (1985). Theories of Development (2Rev ed.). Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-913617-7.
Kohlberg, Lawrence (1971). "From 'is' to 'ought': How to commit the naturalistic fallacy and get away with it in the study of moral development". In Theodore Mischel (ed.). Cognitive development and epistemology. New York: Academic Press. pp. 151–284. ISBN 0-12-498640-4. CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Kohlberg, Lawrence (1973). "The Claim to Moral Adequacy of a Highest Stage of Moral Judgment". Journal of Philosophy. The Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 70, No. 18. 70 (18): 630–646. doi:10.2307/2025030. JSTOR 2025030.
Kohlberg, Lawrence (1981). Essays on Moral Development, Vol. I: The Philosophy of Moral Development. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-064760-4.
Kohlberg, Lawrence; Charles Levine; Alexandra Hewer (1983). Moral stages : a current formulation and a response to critics. Basel, NY: Karger. ISBN 3-8055-3716-6.
External links[edit]
Library resources about
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Moral Development and Moral Education: An Overview
Kohlberg's Moral Stages
Boston Review article covering the topic and other related areas
Kohlberg's Stages of Moral Development
Summary and inspiration for Kohlbergs theory of moral development stages
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Columbian Exchange
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
New World native plants. Clockwise, from top left: 1. Maize (Zea mays) 2. Tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) 3. Potato (Solanum tuberosum) 4. Vanilla (Vanilla) 5. Pará rubber tree (Hevea brasiliensis) 6. Cacao (Theobroma cacao) 7. Tobacco (Nicotiana rustica)
Old World native plants. Clockwise, from top left: 1. Citrus (Rutaceae); 2. Apple (Malus domestica); 3. Banana (Musa); 4. Mango (Mangifera); 5. Onion (Allium); 6. Coffee (Coffea); 7. Wheat (Triticum spp.); 8. Rice (Oryza sativa)
The Columbian Exchange was the widespread transfer of plants, animals, culture, human populations, technology, and ideas between the Americas and the Old World in the 15th and 16th centuries, related to European colonization and trade after Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage.[1] Invasive species, including communicable diseases, were a byproduct of the Exchange. The changes in agriculture significantly altered and changed global populations. However, the most significant immediate impact of the Columbian Exchange was the cultural exchanges and the transfer of people between continents.
The new contact between the global population circulated a wide variety of crops and livestock, which supported increases in population in both hemispheres, although diseases initially caused precipitous declines in the numbers of indigenous peoples of the Americas. Traders returned to Europe with maize, potatoes, and tomatoes, which became very important crops in Europe by the 18th century.
The term was first used in 1972 by American historian Alfred W. Crosby in his environmental history book The Columbian Exchange.[2] It was rapidly adopted by other historians and journalists and has become widely known.
Contents
[hide]
1 Origin of the term
2 Influence
2.1 Crops
2.1.1 Tomatoes
2.2 Livestock
2.3 Disease
2.4 Cultural exchanges
3 Organism examples
4 Later history
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
Origin of the term[edit]
In 1972 Alfred W. Crosby, an American historian at the University of Texas at Austin, published The Columbian Exchange.[2] This book covers the environmental impact of Columbus' landing in the new world.[3]
The term has become popular among historians and journalists, such as Charles C. Mann, whose book 1493 expands and updates Crosby's original research.[4]
Influence[edit]
Inca-era terraces on Taquile are used to grow traditional Andean staples such as quinoa and potatoes, alongside wheat, a European introduction.
Crops[edit]
Portuguese trading animals in Japan; detail of Nanban panel (1570–1616)
Four plants native to the Americas have spread around the world: Potato, maize, tomato, and tobacco.[5] Before 1500, potatoes were not grown outside of South America. By the 1840s, Ireland was so dependent on the potato that the proximate cause of the Great Famine was a potato disease.[6] Potatoes eventually became an important staple of the diet in much of Europe. Many European rulers, including Frederick the Great of Prussia and Catherine the Great of Russia, encouraged the cultivation of the potato.[7]
Maize and cassava, introduced to the Portuguese from South America in the 16th century,[8] have replaced sorghum and millet as Africa's most important food crops.[9] 16th-century Spanish colonizers introduced new staple crops to Asia from the Americas, including maize and sweet potatoes, and thereby contributed to population growth in Asia.[10]
Tomatoes, which came to Europe from the New World via Spain, were initially prized in Italy mainly for their ornamental value (see below). From the 19th century tomato sauces became typical of Neapolitan cuisine and, ultimately, Italian cuisine in general.[11] Coffee (introduced in the Americas circa 1720) from Africa and the Middle East and sugarcane (introduced from South Asia) from the Spanish West Indies became the main export commodity crops of extensive Latin American plantations. Introduced to India by the Portuguese, chili and potatoes from South America have become an integral part of Indian cuisine.[12]
Before the Columbian Exchange, there were no oranges in Florida, no bananas in Ecuador, no paprika in Hungary, no potatoes in Ireland, no coffee in Colombia, no pineapples in Hawaii, no rubber trees in Africa, no chili peppers in Thailand, no tomatoes in Italy, and no chocolate in Switzerland.
Tomatoes[edit]
It took three centuries after their introduction in Europe for tomatoes to become widely accepted. Of all the New World plants introduced to Italy, only the potato took as long as the tomato to gain acceptance. In large part this was due to 16th-century physicians believing that this native Mexican fruit was poisonous and the generator of "melancholic humours." In 1544, Pietro Andrea Mattioli, a Tuscan physician and botanist, suggested that tomatoes might be edible, but no record exists of anyone consuming them at this time. On October 31, 1548 the tomato was given its first name anywhere in Europe when a house steward of Cosimo I de' Medici, Duke of Florence, wrote to the De' Medici's private secretary that the basket of pomi d'oro "had arrived safely." At this time, the label pomi d'oro was also used to refer to figs, melons, and citrus fruits in treatises by scientists.[13]
In the early years, tomatoes were mainly grown as ornamentals in Italy. For example, the Florentine aristocrat Giovan Vettorio Soderini wrote how they "were to be sought only for their beauty" and were grown only in gardens or flower beds. Tomatoes were grown in elite town and country gardens in the fifty years or so following their arrival in Europe and were only occasionally depicted in works of art. However, in 1592 the head gardener at the botanical garden of Aranjuez near Madrid, under the patronage of Philip II of Spain wrote, "it is said [tomatoes] are good for sauces." Besides this account, tomatoes remained exotic plants grown for ornamental purposes, but rarely for culinary use. The combination of pasta with tomato sauce was developed only in the late nineteenth century. Today around 32,000 acres (12,950 ha) of tomatoes are cultivated in Italy, although there are still areas where relatively few tomatoes are grown and consumed.[13]
Livestock[edit]
Further information: Plains Indians § The horse
Initially, at least, the Columbian exchange of animals largely went through one route, from Europe to the New World, as the Eurasian regions had domesticated many more animals. Horses, donkeys, mules, pigs, cattle, sheep, goats, chickens, large dogs, cats and bees were rapidly adopted by native peoples for transport, food, and other uses.[14] One of the first European exports to the Americas, the horse, changed the lives of many Native American tribes in the mountains. They shifted to a nomadic lifestyle, as opposed to agriculture, based on hunting bison on horseback and moved down to the Great Plains. The existing Plains tribes expanded their territories with horses, and the animals were considered so valuable that horse herds became a measure of wealth.[15]
Still, the effects of the introduction of European livestock on the environments and peoples of the New World were not always positive. In the Caribbean, the proliferation of European animals had large effects on native fauna and undergrowth and damaged conucos, plots managed by indigenous peoples for subsistence.[16]
Disease[edit]
Further information: Influx of disease in the Caribbean, Virgin soil epidemic, and Cocoliztli epidemics
European exploration of tropical areas was aided by the New World discovery of quinine, the first effective treatment for malaria. Europeans suffered from this disease, but some indigenous populations had developed at least partial resistance to it. In Africa, resistance to malaria has been associated with other genetic changes among sub-Saharan Africans and their descendants, which can cause sickle-cell disease.[1]:164
Before regular communication had been established between the two hemispheres, the varieties of domesticated animals and infectious diseases that jumped to humans, such as smallpox, were substantially more numerous in the Old World than in the New due to more extensive long-distance trade networks. Many had migrated west across Eurasia with animals or people, or were brought by traders from Asia, so diseases of two continents were suffered by all occupants. While Europeans and Asians were affected by the Eurasian diseases, their endemic status in those continents over centuries resulted in many people gaining acquired immunity.
By contrast, "Old World" diseases had a devastating effect when introduced to Native American populations via European carriers, as the people in the Americas had no natural immunity to the new diseases. Measles caused many deaths. The smallpox epidemics are believed to have caused the largest death tolls among Native Americans, surpassing any wars[17] and far exceeding the comparative loss of life in Europe due to the Black Death.[1]:164 It is estimated that upwards of 80–95 percent of the Native American population died in these epidemics within the first 100–150 years following 1492. Many regions in the Americas lost 100%.[1]:165 The beginning of demographic collapse on the North American continent has typically been attributed to the spread of a well-documented smallpox epidemic from Hispaniola in December 1518.[16] At that point in time, approximately only 10,000 indigenous people were still alive in Hispaniola.[16]
Similarly, yellow fever is thought to have been brought to the Americas from Africa via the Atlantic slave trade. Because it was endemic in Africa, many people there had acquired immunity. Europeans suffered higher rates of death than did African-descended persons when exposed to yellow fever in Africa and the Americas, where numerous epidemics swept the colonies beginning in the 17th century and continuing into the late 19th century. The disease caused widespread fatalities in the Caribbean during the heyday of slave-based sugar plantation.[16] The replacement of native forests by sugar plantations and factories facilitated its spread in the tropical area by reducing the number of potential natural predators.[16] Yet, the means of the transmission was unknown until 1881, when Carlos Finlay suggested that the disease was transmitted through mosquitoes, now known to be female mosquitoes of the species Aedes aegypti.[16]
The history of syphilis has been well-studied, but the exact origin of the disease is unknown and remains a subject of debate.[18] There are two primary hypotheses: one proposes that syphilis was carried to Europe from the Americas by the crew of Christopher Columbus in the early 1490s, while the other proposes that syphilis previously existed in Europe but went unrecognized.[19] These are referred to as the "Columbian" and "pre-Columbian" hypotheses.[19] The first written descriptions of the disease in the Old World came in 1493.[20] The first large outbreak of syphilis in Europe occurred in 1494/1495 in Naples, Italy, among the army of Charles VIII, during their invasion of Naples.[19][21][22][23]
Cultural exchanges[edit]
One of the influences related to the migration of people were cultural exchanges. For example, in the article "The Myth of Early Globalization: The Atlantic Economy, 1500–1800" Pieter Remmer makes the point that "from 1500 onward, a 'clash of cultures' had begun in the Atlantic".[24] This clash of culture transferred European values to indigenous cultures. For example, the emergence of private property in regions where there were little to no rights to lands, the concepts of monogamy and the nuclear family, the role of women and children in the family system, and the "superiority of free labor".[25] An example of this type of cultural exchange occurred during the 1500s in North America. When these early European colonizers first entered North America, they encountered fence-less lands which indicated to them that this land was unimproved. For these Europeans, they were seeking economic opportunities, therefore, land and resources were important for the success of the mission. When these colonizers entered North America they encountered a fully established culture of people called the Powhatan. The Powhatan farmers in Virginia scattered their farm plots within larger cleared areas. These larger cleared areas were a communal place for naturally growing and useful plants. As the Europeans viewed fences as "hallmarks of civilization" they set about transforming "the land into something more suitable for themselves".[26] In implementing their practices, the Europeans enslaved, murdered, and exploited indigenous populations. Furthermore, in cases of enslaved peoples (and in particular, enslaved Africans) the Europeans simultaneously implemented their value system while at the same time justifying enslaving people through a philosophy which reduced the enslaved people to property. Thus, the slave traders and some of the plantation owners used the concept of family to exploit and control the enslaved people. In other subtle ways, which had a large impact the cultural exchanges involved sharing practices and traditions. An example of this can be found in the tobacco industry.
Tobacco was one of the luxury goods which was spread as a direct result of the Columbian Exchange. As is discussed in regard to the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the tobacco trade increased demand for free labor and spread tobacco worldwide. In discussing the widespread uses of tobacco, the Spanish physician Nicolas Monardes (1493–1588) noted that "The black people that have gone from these parts to the Indies, have taken up the same manner and use of tobacco that the Indians have".[27] As the European colonizers and enslaved Africans traveled the globe and came into contact with indigenous peoples, they took with them the cultural practices related to tobacco, and spread them to additional regions. Therefore, demand for tobacco grew in the course of the cultural exchanges and increased contacts among peoples.
Organism examples[edit]
See also: New World crops, Agriculture in Mesoamerica, and Muisca agriculture
Post-Columbian transfers of native organisms with close ties to humans
Type of organism
Old World to New World
New World to Old World
Domesticated animals
cat (domestic – wild species already present)
cattle
chicken
donkey
goat (the goats of the Old World, genus Capra, are different from the mountain goat of the New World, genus Oreamnos)
guineafowl
honey bee (European honey bee – other wild and domesticated species already present)
horse
rabbit (domestic)
pig
sheep (domestic)
water buffalo
alpaca
guinea pig
llama
Muscovy duck
turkey
Cultivated plants
almond
apple
apricot
asparagus
banana (including cooking banana)
barley
basil
beetroot
Brassica oleracea-derived vegetables
broccoli
Brussels sprout
cabbage
cauliflower
collard greens
kale
cantaloupe
carrot
celery
chickpea
citrus (orange, lemon, etc.)
coffee
common fig
coriander (also known as cilantro)
cucumber
cumin
eggplant
Elaeis (oil palm)
fennel
flax
garlic
ginger
hemp (including cannabis)
leek
lentil
lettuce
mango
millet
Momordica charantia (bitter melon)
oat
okra
olive
onion
opium
oregano
pea
peach
pear
pistachio
pomegranate
radish
rice
rye
sesame
sorghum
soybean
spinach
sugarcane and sugar beet
turmeric
turnip
watermelon
wheat
yam (sometimes misnamed "sweet potato")
Acca sellowiana (feijoa, pineapple guava, Brazilian guava, guavasteen)
Annona reticulata (custard apple)
agave
allspice
amaranth (as grain)
annatto
arrowroot or Maranta arundinacea
avocado
bell pepper
Calathea allouia (leren)
Canna indica (achira)
cashew
cassava (manioc, tapioca, yuca)
chili pepper
cherimoya
cocoa bean
cotton (long-staple species)
cranberry (large cranberry, or bearberry species)
cucurbita (squash)
Eryngium foetidum (culantro, Mexican coriander)
guava (common)
Helianthus (sunflower)
Jerusalem artichoke
Pachyrhizus erosus (jícama)
maize (corn)
Manilkara zapota (sapodilla)
Opuntia ficus-indica (prickly pear)
papaya
passionfruit
peanut
pecan
Phaseolus vulgaris (beans: pinto, lima, kidney, etc.)
pineapple
pitaya (dragon fruit)
potato
pumpkin
quinoa
soursop
stevia
strawberry (commercial varieties)
sugar-apple
sweet potato
tobacco
tomato
vanilla
yerba mate
yucca
zucchini (courgette)
Infectious diseases
bubonic plague
chickenpox
cholera
diphtheria
influenza
leprosy
malaria
measles
pertussis
scarlet fever
smallpox
typhoid fever
typhus
yaws
yellow fever
Chagas disease
Nonvenereal endemic syphilis
pinta
syphilis (disputed)
Later history[edit]
Further information: Introduced species, Invasive species, and Lists of invasive species
Plants that arrived by land, sea, or air in the times before 1492 are called archaeophytes, and plants introduced to Europe after those times are called neophytes. Invasive species of plants and pathogens also were introduced by chance, including such weeds as tumbleweeds (Salsola spp.) and wild oats (Avena fatua). Some plants introduced intentionally, such as the kudzu vine introduced in 1894 from Japan to the United States to help control soil erosion, have since been found to be invasive pests in the new environment.
Fungi have also been transported, such as the one responsible for Dutch elm disease, killing American elms in North American forests and cities, where many had been planted as street trees. Some of the invasive species have become serious ecosystem and economic problems after establishing in the New World environments.[28][29] A beneficial, although probably unintentional, introduction is Saccharomyces eubayanus, the yeast responsible for lager beer now thought to have originated in Patagonia.[30]
In addition to these, many animals were introduced to new habitats on the other side of the world either accidentally or incidentally. These include such animals as brown rats, earthworms (apparently absent from parts of the pre-Columbian New World), and zebra mussels, which arrived on ships.[31] Escaped and feral populations of non-indigenous animals have thrived in both the Old and New Worlds, often negatively impacting or displacing native species. In the New World, populations of feral European cats, pigs, horses and cattle are common, and Burmese pythons are considered problematic. In the Old World, Eastern gray squirrel have been particularly successful in colonising Great Britain and populations of raccoons can now be found in some regions of Germany, the Caucasus and Japan. Fur farm escapees such as coypu and American mink have extensive populations. Canada geese are also common.
See also[edit]
Agriculture and agronomy portal
Indigenous peoples of the Americas portal
New Spain portal
Alfred W. Crosby
Domestication
Great American Interchange
Glossary of invasion biology terms
Guns, Germs, and Steel
Indian Givers: How the Indians of the Americas Transformed the World
List of food plants native to the Americas
Population history of indigenous peoples of the Americas
Pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories
Transformation of culture
1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created
1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d Nunn, Nathan; Qian, Nancy (2010). "The Columbian Exchange: A History of Disease, Food, and Ideas". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 24 (2): 163–188. doi:10.1257/jep.24.2.163. JSTOR 25703506.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/alfred-w-crosby-on-the-columbian-exchange-98116477/?no-ist
Jump up ^ Crosby, Alfred W. The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972
Jump up ^ de Vorsey, Louis (2001). "The Tragedy of the Columbian Exchange". In McIlwraith, Thomas F; Muller, Edward K. North America: The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 27. Thanks to…Crosby's work, the term 'Columbian exchange' is now widely used…
Jump up ^ Ley, Willy (December 1965). "The Healthfull Aromatick Herbe". For Your Information. Galaxy Science Fiction. pp. 88–98.
Jump up ^ "The Impact of the Potato", History Magazine
Jump up ^ Crosby, Alfred (2003). The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger. p. 184.
Jump up ^ "Super-Sized Cassava Plants May Help Fight Hunger In Africa" Archived December 8, 2013, at the Wayback Machine., The Ohio State University
Jump up ^ "Maize Streak Virus-Resistant Transgenic Maize: an African solution to an African Problem", Scitizen, August 7, 2007
Jump up ^ "China's Population: Readings and Maps", Columbia University, East Asian Curriculum Project
Jump up ^ Riley, Gillian, ed. (2007). "Tomato". The Oxford Companion to Italian Food. Oxford University Press. pp. 529–530. ISBN 978-0-19-860617-8.
Jump up ^ Collingham, Lizzie (2006). "Vindaloo: the Portuguese and the chilli pepper". Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 47–73. ISBN 978-0-19-988381-3.
^ Jump up to: a b A History of the Tomato in Italy Pomodoro!, David Gentilcore (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2010).
Jump up ^ Michael Francis, John, ed. (2006). "Columbian Exchange—Livestock". Iberia and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History: a Multidisciplinary Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 303–308. ISBN 978-1-85109-421-9.
Jump up ^ This transfer reintroduced horses to the Americas, as the species had died out there prior to the development of the modern horse in Eurasia.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Palmié, Stephan (2011). The Caribbean: A History of the Region and Its Peoples. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226645087.
Jump up ^ "The Story Of... Smallpox – and other Deadly Eurasian Germs", Guns, Germs and Steel, PBS Archived 17 January 2010 at WebCite
Jump up ^ Kent ME, Romanelli F (February 2008). "Reexamining syphilis: an update on epidemiology, clinical manifestations, and management". Ann Pharmacother. 42 (2): 226–36. doi:10.1345/aph.1K086. PMID 18212261.
^ Jump up to: a b c Farhi, D; Dupin, N (Sep–Oct 2010). "Origins of syphilis and management in the immunocompetent patient: facts and controversies". Clinics in dermatology. 28 (5): 533–8. doi:10.1016/j.clindermatol.2010.03.011. PMID 20797514.
Jump up ^ Smith, Tara C. (December 23, 2015). "Thanks Columbus! The true story of how syphilis spread to Europe". Quartz. Retrieved 1 September 2016. The first cases of the disease in the Old World were described in 1493.
Jump up ^ Franzen, C (December 2008). "Syphilis in composers and musicians—Mozart, Beethoven, Paganini, Schubert, Schumann, Smetana". European Journal of Clinical Microbiology & Infectious Diseases. 27 (12): 1151–7. doi:10.1007/s10096-008-0571-x. PMID 18592279.
Jump up ^ A New Skeleton and an Old Debate About Syphilis; The Atlantic; Cari Romm; February 18, 2016
Jump up ^ Choi, Charles Q. (December 27, 2011). "Case Closed? Columbus Introduced Syphilis to Europe". Scientific American. Retrieved 1 September 2016.
Jump up ^ Emmer, Pieter. "The Myth of Early Globalization: The Atlantic Economy, 1500–1800." European Review 11, no. 1. Feb. 2003. p. 45-46
Jump up ^ Emmer, Pieter. "The Myth of Early Globalization: The Atlantic Economy, 1500–1800." European Review 11, no. 1. Feb. 2003. p. 46
Jump up ^ Mann, Charles. 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created. New York, New York: Vintage Books, 2011. loc. 1094 and 1050
Jump up ^ Monardes, Nicholas. "Of the Tabaco and of his Greate Vertues." Frampton, John trans, Wolf, Michael, ed. Taboacco.org. Accessed June 1, 2017 http://archive.tobacco.org/History/monardes.html
Jump up ^ Simberloff, Daniel (2000). "Introduced Species: The Threat to Biodiversity & What Can Be Done". American Institute of Biological Sciences: Bringing biology to informed decision making.
Jump up ^ Fernández Pérez, Joaquin and Ignacio González Tascón (eds.) (1991). La agricultura viajera. Barcelona, Spain: Lunwerg Editores, S. A.
Jump up ^ Elusive Lager Yeast Found in Patagonia, Discovery News, August 23, 2011
Jump up ^ Hoddle, M. S. "Quagga & Zebra Mussels". Center for Invasive Species Research, University of California, Riverside . Retrieved June 29, 2010.
External links[edit]
The Columbian Exchange: Plants, Animals, and Disease between the Old and New Worlds by Alfred W. Crosby (2009)
Worlds Together, Worlds Apart by Jeremy Adelman, Stephen Aron, Stephen Kotkin, et al.
Foods that Changed the World by Steven R. King from the Wayback Machine
The Columbian Exchange video, study guide, analysis, and teaching guide
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