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Influence of mass media
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In media studies, media psychology, communication theory and sociology, media influence and media effects are topics relating to mass media and media culture effects on individual or audience thought, attitudes and behavior.
Media influence is the actual force exerted by a media message, resulting in either a change or reinforcement in audience or individual beliefs. Media effects are measurable effects that result from media influence, or a media message. Whether that media message has an effect on any of its audience members is contingent on many factors, including audience demographics and psychological characteristics. These effects can be positive or negative, abrupt or gradual, short-term or long-lasting. Not all effects result in change: some media messages reinforce an existing belief. Researchers examine an audience after media exposure for changes in cognition, belief systems, and attitudes, as well as emotional, physiological and behavioral effects.[1]
There are several scholarly definitions of media. Bryant and Zillmann defined media effects as "the social, cultural, and psychological impact of communicating via the mass media".[2] Perse stated that media effects researchers study "how to control, enhance, or mitigate the impact of the mass media on individuals and society".[3] Lang stated media effects researchers study "what types of content, in what type of medium, affect which people, in what situations".[4]
Contents
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1 History
1.1 Powerful media effects phase
1.2 Limited media effects phase
1.3 Rediscovered powerful media effects phase
1.4 Negotiated media effects phase
1.5 New media environment phase
2 Typology
2.1 Micro- versus macro-level media effects
2.1.1 Micro-level
2.2 McQuail's typology
3 Key media effects theories
3.1 Micro-level media effects
3.1.1 Third-person
3.1.2 Priming
3.1.3 Social learning
3.1.4 Media violence
3.2 Macro-level media effects
3.2.1 Cultivation
3.2.2 Agenda setting in the news
3.2.2.1 Framing
3.2.2.2 Spiral of silence
4 Features of current studies
4.1 Selectivity of media use
4.2 Media properties as predictors
4.3 Media effects are indirect
4.4 Media effects are conditional
4.5 Media effects are transactional
4.6 Political importance of mass media and how mass media influence political decisions
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
History[edit]
Media effects studies have undergone several phases, often corresponding to the development of mass media technologies.
Powerful media effects phase[edit]
From the early 20th century to the 1930s, developing mass media technologies, such as radio and film, were credited with an almost irresistible power to mold an audience's beliefs, cognition and behaviors according to the communicators' will.[5][6] The basic assumption of strong media effects theory was that audiences were passive and homogeneous. This assumption was not based on empirical evidence but on assumptions of human nature. There were two main explanations for this perception of mass media effects. First, mass broadcasting technologies were acquiring a widespread audience, even among average households. People were astonished by the speed of information dissemination, which may have clouded audience perception of any media effects. Secondly, propaganda techniques were implemented during the war time by several governments as a powerful tool for uniting their people. This propaganda exemplified strong-effect communication. Early media effects research often focused on the power of this propaganda (e.g., Lasswell, 1927[7]). Combing through the technological and social environment, early media effects theories stated that the mass media were all-powerful.[8]
Representative theories:
Hypodermic needle model, or magic bullet theory: Considers the audience to be targets of an injection or bullet of information fired from the pistol of mass media. The audience are unable to avoid or resist the injection or bullets.
Limited media effects phase[edit]
Starting in the 1930s, the second phase of media effects studies instituted the importance of empirical research, while introducing the complex nature of media effects due to the idiosyncratic nature of audience individuals.[5] The Payne Fund studies, conducted in the United States during this period, focused on the effect of media upon young people. Many other separate studies focused on persuasion effects studies, or the possibilities and usage of planned persuasion in film and other media. Hovland et al. (1949) conducted a series of experimental studies to evaluate the effects of using films to indoctrinate American military recruits.[9] Lazarsfeld (1944) and his colleagues' effectiveness studies of democratic election campaigns launched political campaign effect studies.[10]
Researchers uncovered mounting empirical evidence of the idiosyncratic nature of media effects on individuals and audiences, identifying numerous intervening variables, such as demographic attributes, social psychological factors, and different media use behaviors. With these new variables added to research, it was difficult to isolate media influence that resulted in any media effects to an audience's cognition, attitude and behavior. As Berelson (1959) summed up in a widely quoted conclusion: "Some kinds of communication on some kinds of issues have brought to the attention of some kinds of people under some kinds of conditions have some kinds of effect."[11] Though the concept of an all-powerful mass media was diluted, this did not determine that the media lacked influence or effect. Instead, the pre-existing structure of social relationships and cultural contexts were believed to primarily shape or change people's opinions, attitudes and behaviors, and media merely function within these established processes. This complexity had a dampening effect upon media effects studies.[8]
Representative theories:
Two-step flow of communication: Discusses the indirect effects of media, stating that people are affected by media through the interpersonal influence of opinion leaders.
Klapper's selective exposure theory: Joseph T. Klapper asserts in his book, The Effects Of Mass Communication, that audiences are not passive targets of any communication contents. Instead, audiences selectively choose content that is aligned with previously held convictions.
Rediscovered powerful media effects phase[edit]
Limited media effect theory was challenged by new evidence supporting that mass media messages could indeed lead to measurable social effects.[5] Lang and Lang (1981) argued that the widespread acceptance of limited media effect theory was unwarranted, and that "the evidence available by the end of the 1950s, even when balanced against some of the negative findings, gives no justification for an overall verdict of 'media importance.'"[12]
In the 1950s and 1960s, widespread use of television indicated its unprecedented power on social lives. Meanwhile, researchers also realized that early investigations, relying heavily on psychological models, were narrowly focused on only short-term and immediate effects. The "stimuli-reaction" model introduced the possibility of profound long-term media effects. The shift from short-term to long-term effect studies marked the renewal of media effects research. More attention was paid to collective cultural patterns, definitions of social reality, ideology and institutional behavior. Though audiences were still considered in control of the selection of media messages they consumed, "the way media select, process and shape content for their own purposes can have a strong influence on how it is received and interpreted and thus on longer-term consequences" (Mcquail, 2010).[8]
Representative theories:
Agenda-setting theory: Describes how topics selection and the frequencies of reporting by the mass media affected the perceived salience of those topics within the public audience.
Framing: Identifies the media's ability to manipulate audience interpretation of a media message through careful control of angles, facts, opinions, amount of coverage.
Knowledge-gap theory: States the long-term influence of mass media on people's socioeconomic status with the hypothesis that "as the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, higher socioeconomic status segments tend to acquire this information faster than lower socioeconomic status population segments causing the gap in knowledge between the two to increase rather than decrease".[13]
Cultivation theory: As an audience engages in media messages, particularly on television, they infer the portrayed world upon the real world.
Negotiated media effects phase[edit]
In the late 1970s, researchers examined the media's role in shaping social realities, also referred to as "social constructivist" (Gamson and Modigliani, 1989).[5][14] This approach evaluated the media's role in constructing meaning, and corresponding social realities. First, the media formats images of society in a patterned and predictable way, both in news and entertainment. Second, audiences construct or derive their perception of actual social reality—and their role in it—by interacting with the media-constructed realities. Individuals in these audiences can control their interaction and interpretation of these media-constructed realities. However, when media messages are the only information source, the audience may implicitly accept the media-constructed reality. Alternatively, they may choose to derive their social reality from other sources, such as first-hand experience or cultural environment.
This phase also added qualitative and ethnographic research methods to existing quantitative and behaviorist research methods. Additionally, several research projects focused on media effects surrounding media coverage of minority and fringe social movements.[8]
Representative research:
Van Zoonen's research (1992): Examines the mass media contribution to the women's movement in The Netherlands.[15]
New media environment phase[edit]
As early as the 1970s, research emerged on the effects of individual or group behavior in computer-mediated environments.[5] The focus was on the effect of computer-mediated communication (CMC) in interpersonal and group interaction. Early research examined the social interactions and impressions that CMC partners formed of each other, given the restrictive characteristics of CMC—such as the anonymity or lack of nonverbal (auditory or visual) cues.[16] The first generation of CMC researches simply compared existing "text-only" internet content (e.g. emails) to face-to-face communication (Culnan & Markus,1987).[17] For example, Daft and Lengel (1986) developed the media richness theory to assess the media's ability of reproducing information.[18]
The internet was widely adopted for personal use in the 1990s, further expanding CMC studies. Theories such as social information processing (Walther, 1992)[19] and social identification/deindividuation (SIDE) model (Postmes et al. 2000)[20] studied CMC effects on users' behavior, comparing these effects to face-to-face communication effects. With the emergence of dynamic user-generated content on websites and social media platforms, research results are even more conducive to CMC studies. For instance, Valkenburg & Peter (2009) developed the internet-enhanced self-disclosure hypothesis among adolescents, stating that social media platforms are primarily used to maintain real-life friendships among young people. Therefore, this media use may enhance the friendships.[21] New CMC technologies are evolving at a rapid pace, calling for new media effects theories.[8]
Typology[edit]
The broad scope of media effects studies creates an organizational challenge. Organizing media effects by their targeted audience type, either on an individual (micro-level) or an audience aggregate (macro-level), is one effective method. Denis McQuail, a prominent communication theorist, organized effects into a graph.
Micro- versus macro-level media effects[edit]
Media effects studies target either an individual (micro-level) or an audience aggregate (macro-level).
Micro-level[edit]
Theories that base their observations and conclusions on individual media users rather than on groups, institutions, systems, or society at large.[22]
Representative theories: Elaboration likelihood model, Social cognitive theory of mass communication, Framing theory, Priming theory, etc.
On a micro-level, individuals can be affected six different ways.
Cognitive This is the most apparent and measurable effect: includes any new information, meaning or message acquired through media consumption. Cognitive effects extend past knowledge acquisition: individuals can identify patterns, combine information sources and infer information into new behaviors.
Beliefs We cannot validate every single media message, yet we might choose to believe many of the messages, even about events, people, places and ideas that we have never encountered first-hand.
Attitudes Media messages, regardless of intention, often trigger judgments or attitudes about the presented topics.
Affect Refers to any emotional effect, positive or negative, on an individual from media exposure.
Physiological Media content may trigger an automatic physical reaction, often manifested in fight-or-flight response or dilated pupils.
Behaviors Researchers measure an individual's obvious response and engagement with media content, measuring any change or reinforcement in behaviors.[1]
Macro-level
Theories that base their observations and conclusions on large social groups, institutions, systems or ideologies.
Representative theories: Knowledge gap theory, Risk communication, Public sphere theory in Communication, etc.
McQuail's typology[edit]
Figure 1: McQuail's typology of media effects
Denis McQuail, a prominent communication theorist, organized effects into a graph according to the media effect's intentionality (planned or unplanned) and time duration (short-term or long-term). See Figure 1.[8]
Key media effects theories[edit]
Micro-level media effects[edit]
The following are salient examples of media effects studies which examine media influence on individuals.
Third-person[edit]
Individuals often mistakenly believe that they are less susceptible to media effects than others. About fifty percent of the members in a given sample are susceptible to the third-person effect, underestimating their degree of influence.[23] This can allow an individual to complain about media effects without taking responsibility for their own possible effects.[24] This is largely based on attribution theory, where "the person tends to attribute his own reactions to the object world, and those of another, when they differ from his own, to personal characteristics."[25] Standley (1994) tested the third-person effect and attribution theory, reporting people are more likely offer situational reasons for television's effect upon themselves, while offering dispositional reasons for other members of an audience.[26]
Priming[edit]
This is a concept derived from a network model of memory used in cognitive psychology. Information is stored in this model as nodes, clustered with related nodes by associated pathways. If one node is activated, nearby nodes are also activated. This is known as spreading activation. Priming occurs when a node is activated, causing related nodes to stand by for possible activation. Both the intensity and amount of elapsed time from the moment of activation determine the strength and duration of the priming effect.[8]
In media effects studies, priming describes how exposure to media can alter an individual's attitudes, behaviors, or beliefs. Most media violence research, a popular area of discussion in media effects studies, theorizes that exposure to violent acts may prime an individual to behave more aggressively while the activation lingers.[16]
Social learning[edit]
Miller and Dollard (1941) pioneered social learning theory by their findings that individuals do not need to personally act out a behavior to learn it; they can learn from observation.[27] Bandura (1977) expanded upon this concept, stating that audiences can learn behaviors from observing fictitious characters.[28]
Media violence[edit]
The effects of media violence upon individuals has many decades of research, starting as early as the 1920s. Children and adolescents, considered vulnerable media consumers, are often the target of these studies. Most studies of media violence surround the media categories of television and video games.
The rise of the motion picture industry, coupled with advances in social sciences, spurred the famous Payne Fund studies and others. Though the quality of the research has been called into question, one of the findings suggested a direct role between movies depicting delinquent adolescents and delinquent behaviors in adolescents. Wertham (1954) later suggested that comic books influenced children into delinquent behaviors, provided false worldviews and lowered literacy in his book Seduction of the Innocent. This research was too informal to reach a clear verdict, and a recent study suggests information was misrepresented and even falsified, yet it led to public outcry resulting in many discontinued comic magazines.[29]
Television's ubiquity in the 1950s generated more concerns. Since then, studies have hypothesized a number of effects.
Behavioral effects include disinhibition, imitation and desensitization.
Disinhibition, a theory that exposure to violent media may legitimize the use of violence, has found support in many carefully controlled experiments. Men exposed to violent pornography behave more aggressively towards women in certain circumstances.[30]
Imitation theory states individuals may learn violence from television characters. Bandura's Bobo doll experiment, along with other research, seems to indicate correlation even when controlling for individual differences.[31]
Desensitization refers to an individual's habituation to violence through exposure to violent media content, resulting in real-life implications. Studies have covered both television and video game violence.[32]
Cognitive effects include an increased belief of potential violence in the real world from watching violent media content, leading to anxiety about personal safety.[33]
Macro-level media effects[edit]
The following are salient examples of media effects studies which examine media influence on an audience aggregate.
Cultivation[edit]
Not all media effects are instantaneous or short-term. Gerbner (1969) created cultivation theory, arguing that the media cultivates a "collective consciousness about elements of existence."[34] If audiences are exposed to repetitive themes and storylines, over time, they may expect these themes and storylines mirrored in real life.[16]
Agenda setting in the news[edit]
There are two primary areas of media agenda-setting: (i) the media tells us the news and (ii) tells us what to think about the news. Press coverage sends signals to audiences about the importance of mentioned issues, while framing the news induces the unsuspecting viewer into a particular response. Additionally, news that is not given press coverage often dissipates, not only because it lacks a vehicle of mass communication, but because individuals may not express their concerns for fear of ostracization; this further creates the spiral of silence effect.
Framing[edit]
News outlets can influence public opinion by controlling variables in news presentation. News gatherers curate facts to underscore a certain angle. Presentation method—such as time of broadcast, extent of coverage and choice of news medium—can also frame the message; this can create, replace or reinforce a certain viewpoint in an audience. Entman (2007) describes framing as "the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights connections among them to promote a particular interpretation." Not only does the media identify supposed "causes of problems," it can "encourage moral judgments" and "promote favored policies."[16][35]
One long-term implication of framing, if the media reports news with a consistent favorable slant, is that it can lend a helping hand to certain overarching institutions of thought and related entities. It can reinforce capitalism, patriarchy, heterosexism, individualism, consumerism, and white privilege.[36] Some theorize this bias may reinforce the political parties that espouse these thought paradigms, although more empirical research is needed to substantiate these claims.[35]
Media outlets contend that gatekeeping, or news filtering that may result in agenda-setting and specifically framing, is inevitable. With a never-ending, near-limitless amount of information, filtering will occur by default. Subcultures within news organizations determine the type of published content, while editors and other news organization individuals filter messages to curate content for their target audience.[37]
The rise of digital media, from blogs to social media, has significantly altered the media's gatekeeping role. In addition to more gates, there are also more gatekeepers. Google and Facebook both cater content to their users, filtering though thousands of search results and media postings to generate content aligned with a user's preferences.[38] In 2015, 63 percent of Facebook and Twitter users find news on their feeds, up from 57% from the previous year.[39] With some many "gates" or outlets, news spreads without the aid of legacy media networks. In fact, users on social media can act as a check to the media, calling attention to bias or inaccurate facts.There is also a symbiotic relationship between social media users and the press: younger journalists use social media to track trending topics.[38]
Legacy media outlets, along with newer online-only outlets, face enormous challenges. The multiplicity of outlets combined with downsizing in the aftermath of the 2008 recession makes reportage more hectic than ever. One study found that journalists write about 4.5 articles per day. Public relations agencies play a growing role in news creation: "41 percent of press articles and 52 percent of broadcast news items contain PR materials which play an agenda-setting role or where PR material makes up the bulk of the story."[40] Stories are often rushed to publication and edited afterwards, without "having passed through the full journalistic process." Still, audiences seek out quality content—whichever outlet can fulfill this need may acquire the limited attention span of the modern viewer.[38]
Spiral of silence[edit]
Individuals are disinclined to share or amplify certain messages because of a fear of social isolation and a willingness to self-censor. As applies to media effects studies, some individuals may silence their opinions if the media does not validate their importance or viewpoint. This spiral of silence can also apply to individuals in the media, who may refrain from publishing controversial media content.[41]
Features of current studies[edit]
After entering the 21st century, the rapid development of the Internet and Web 2.0 technology is greatly reforming media use patterns. Media effects studies also are more diverse and specified. After conducting a meta-analysis on micro-level media effects theories, Valkenburg, Peter & Walther (2016) identified five main features:[16]
Selectivity of media use[edit]
There are two propositions of this selectivity paradigm: (a) among the constellation of messages potentially attracting their attention, people only go to a limited portion of messages; (b) people are only influenced by those messages they select (Klapper 1960,[42] Rubin 2009[43]). Researchers had noticed the selectivity of media use decades ago, and considered it as a key factor limiting media effects. Later, two theoretical perspectives, uses-and-gratifications (Katz et al. 1973,[44] Rubin 2009[43]) and selective exposure theory (Knobloch-Westerwick 2015,[45] Zillmann & Bryant 1985[46]), had been developed based on this assumption, and aimed to pinpoint the psychological and social factors guiding and filtering audience's media selection. Generally, these theories put media user in the center of the media effect process, and conceptualize media use as a mediator between antecedents and consequences of media effects. In other words, users (with intention or not), develop their own media use effects.
Media properties as predictors[edit]
The inherent properties of media themselves are considered as predictors in media effects.
Modality: Media formats have been evolving ever since the very beginning, whether the modality is text, auditory, visual or audiovisual is assumed to be affecting the selection and cognition of the users when they are engaging in media use. Known for his aphorism of "The medium is the message," Marshall McLuhan (1964) is one of the best-known scholars who believe it is the modality rather than the content of media that is affecting individuals and society.[47]
Content properties: The majority of media effects studies still focus on the impact of content (e.g., violence, fearfulness, type of character, argument strength) on audience. For example, Bandura's (2009) social cognitive theory postulates that media depictions of rewarded behavior and attractive media characters enhance the likelihood of media effects.[48]
Structural properties: Besides of modality and content, structural properties such as special effects, pace, visual surprises also play important roles in affecting audience. By triggering the orienting reflex to media, these properties may initiate selective exposure (Knobloch-Westerwick 2015).[45]
Media effects are indirect[edit]
After the all-power assumption of mass media was disproved by empirical evidence, the indirect path of the media's effect on audiences has been widely accepted. An indirect effect indicates that an independent variable (e.g., media use) affecting on the dependent variables (e.g., outcomes of media use) via one or more intervening (mediating) variables. The conceptualization of indirect media effects urges us to pay attention to those intervening variables to better explain how and why media effects occur. Besides, examining indirect effects can lead to a less biased estimation of effects sizes in empirical research (Holbert & Stephenson 2003).[49] In a model including mediating and moderating variables, it is the combination of direct and indirect effects that makes up the total effect of an independent variable on a dependent variable. Thus, "if an indirect effect does not receive proper attention, the relationship between two variables of concern may not be fully considered" (Raykov & Marcoulides 2012)[50]
Media effects are conditional[edit]
In correspondence with the statement that media effect is the result of a combination of variables, media effects can also be enhanced or reduced by individual difference and social context diversity. Many media effects theories hypothesize conditional media effects, including uses-and-gratifications theory (Rubin 2009),[35] reinforcing spiral model (Slater 2007),[51] the conditional model of political communication effects (McLeod et al. 2009),[52] the elaboration likelihood model (Petty & Cacioppo 1986).[53] Take the elaboration likelihood model as an example: the variable of "need for cognition", indicating users' tendency to enjoy effortful information processing, is considered as a moderator of media effects on attitudes.
Media effects are transactional[edit]
Many theories assume reciprocal causal relationships between different variables, including characteristics of media users, factors in environment, and outcomes of media (Bandura 2009).[38] Transactional theories further support the selectivity paradigm (Feature 1), which assumes that audience somehow shapes their own media effects by selectively engaging in media use; transactional theories make an effort to explain how and why this occurs. Transactional media effects theories are the most complex among the five features. There are three basic assumptions. First, communication technologies (e.g., radio, television, internet) function as reciprocal mediators between information producers and receivers. They engage in transactions through these technologies (Bauer 1964).[54] Second, the effect of media content are reciprocal between producers and receivers of media content. They influence each other. Producers can be influenced by receivers because they learn from what the audience need and prefer (Webster 2009).[55] Third, transactions can be distinguished as interpersonal.
However, these features are only limited within micro-level media effects studies, which are mostly focused on short-term, immediate, individual effects. We look forward to more syntheses on macro-level research.[56]
Political importance of mass media and how mass media influence political decisions[edit]
The images that media create and carry the weight of social responsibility and the right side of social value. Audience learn and conduct their political sights of view from reading, listening to the political analysis and evaluation. The mass media are powerful guardians of proper political behavior because audience tend to trust the press who should inform them about government wrongdoing and providing proper suggestions. All of the mass media are politically important because of their potential to reach large group of audiences. However, the influence of each media varies depending on their characteristics, ease of access and the quantity of the audience reached.[57] Print media, including newspaper, article and news on internet webpage usually reach to those readers who are literate at appropriate levels and understand the factual political environment. Electronic media especially television broadcasts provide a greater sense of reality which sometimes provide more credibility than others and stronger influence to the audiences. Moreover, large segments of the U.S. population have limited reading skills, they usually find better understanding from convey physical images, conversation and interviews between people from electronic media. They are especially well suited to attract viewers’ attention and arouse their emotions.[58]
Since now it is the era of Internet, the effect of Internet has extended every area. Politics is no exception, the relationship between organization and public opinion has been influenced by new media. New media includes online newspaper, blogs, social media and so on. More and more people prefer new media than traditional media because of the less limitation of new media, such as time limitation and space limitation. Most people have a cell phone or a computer. They can catch the news anytime in anyplace. As a result, new media has a greater impact on people. Politicians also notices new media is a more effective way to convey their message, and they use it to attract supporters. For example, both Barack Obama and The White House have Facebook page and Twitter. They can easily communicate with public and gather them together by “share” and “like it”, which will benefit their political activities especially for presidential campaigns, because social media can help the candidate get their vote. Public opinion also affect politics through the new media. New media provides a two-way communication, which achieves an interactive role. People can directly send message to government and politicians can comment online.[59] If people are dissatisfied with the government, they can express their thought through social media and discuss with other people online. When those comments gather together, it will draw public opinion to focus on the wrongdoings of government. Since new media has a large user base, the political activity is followed by more people than before. New media lets people can better supervise government behavior. Also, government can know public opinion through new media as reference for decision making. Although new media has both positive and negative effect on politics, it narrows the relationship between the public and politics. Public is not only an information receiver anymore. People also can give their advice and opinion to the government. Government also have a chance to get to know the thought of citizens.[60]
The media play an indispensable role in the proper functioning of a democracy. Without mass media, openness and accountability are very tough to reach in contemporary democracies. The media can inform the public of how effectively the current government or candidates have performed in the past and help to them to account. Nevertheless, mass media can also hinder political transparency as well as help it. Politicians and political operatives can simulate the political virtues of transparency through rhetorical and media manipulation. There are three major societal functions that mass media perform to the political decisions raised by the political scientist Harold Lasswell: surveillance of the world to report ongoing events, interpretation of the meaning of events, and socialization of individuals into their cultural settings. The mass media regularly present politically crucial information on huge audience and it also represents the reaction from the audience rapidly through the mass media. The government or the political decision makers have the chance to have a better understanding of the real reaction from the public of those decisions they have made.[61]
See also[edit]
Agenda-setting theory
Censorship
Communication theory
Concentration of media ownership
Cultivation theory
Family in advertising
Media psychology
Media violence
Mediacracy
Priming (media)
Priming (psychology)
Sexualization, Media, and Society
Tactical media
Video game controversies
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Jump up ^ Tilley, Carol (2013). "Seducing the Innocent: Fredric Wertham and the Falsifications that Helped Condemn Comics". www.academia.edu. Information and Culture: A Journal of History. Retrieved 2016-03-30.
Jump up ^ Malamuth, Neil (1981). "Rape Proclivity Among Males" (PDF). Journal of Social Issues. Retrieved March 29, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Longitudinal relations between children's exposure to TV violence and their aggressive and violent behavior in young adulthood: 1977-1992.". APA PsycNET. Retrieved 2016-03-30.
Jump up ^ Carnagey, Nicholas L.; Anderson, Craig A.; Bushman, Brad J. (2007-05-01). "The effect of video game violence on physiological desensitization to real-life violence". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 43 (3): 489–496. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2006.05.003.
Jump up ^ Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research. Routledge. 1994-01-03. p. 184. ISBN 9780805809183.
Jump up ^ Gerbner, George (1969-06-01). "Toward "Cultural Indicators": The analysis of mass mediated public message systems". AV Communication Review. 17 (2): 137–148. ISSN 0001-2890. doi:10.1007/BF02769102 (inactive 2017-01-21).
^ Jump up to: a b c Entman, Robert M. (2007-03-01). "Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power". Journal of Communication. 57 (1): 163–173. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00336.x.
Jump up ^ Budd, Mike; Craig, Steve; Steinman, Clayton M. (1999-01-01). Consuming Environments: Television and Commercial Culture. Rutgers University Press. p. 175. ISBN 9780813525921.
Jump up ^ Shoemaker, Pamela J.; Vos, Timothy (2009-09-10). Gatekeeping Theory. Routledge. ISBN 9781135860608.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Vos and Heinderyckx (2015-04-28). Gatekeeping in Transition. Routledge. pp. 12, 175, 10, 115, 175, 110. ISBN 9780415731614.
Jump up ^ "New Pew data: More Americans are getting news on Facebook and Twitter". Nieman Lab. Retrieved 2016-04-01.
Jump up ^ Lewis, Justin; Williams, Andrew; Franklin, Bob (2008). "A COMPROMISED FOURTH ESTATE?". Journalism Studies. 9 (1): 1–20. doi:10.1080/14616700701767974.
Jump up ^ Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth (1974-06-01). "The Spiral of Silence A Theory of Public Opinion" (PDF). Journal of Communication. 24 (2): 43–51. ISSN 1460-2466. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1974.tb00367.x.
Jump up ^ Klapper JT (1960). The Effects of Mass Communication. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
^ Jump up to: a b Rubin, A. M. (2009). Media effects: Advances In theory and research 3rd ed. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 165–184.
Jump up ^ Katz E, Blumler JG, Gurevitch M (1973). "Uses and gratifications research". Public Opinion Quarterly. 37 (4): 509–23. doi:10.1086/268109.
^ Jump up to: a b Knobloch-Westerwick S. (2015). Choice and Preference in Media Use. New York: Routledge.
Jump up ^ Zillmann D, Bryant J (1985). Selective Exposure to Communication. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Jump up ^ McLuhan M. (1964). Understanding Media: The Extension of Man. London: Sphere Books.
Jump up ^ Bandura A. (2009). Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research. New York: Routledge. pp. 94–124.
Jump up ^ Holbert RL, Stephenson MT (2003). "The importance of indirect effects in media effects research: testing for mediation in structural equation modeling". J. Broadcast. Electron. Media. 47 (4): 556–72. doi:10.1207/s15506878jobem4704_5.
Jump up ^ Raykov, T & Marcoulides, G.A. (2012). A First Course in Structural Equation Modeling. New York: Routledge. p. 7.
Jump up ^ Slater, M. D. (2007). "Reinforcing spirals: the mutual influence of media selectivity and media effects and their impact on individual behavior and social identity". Communication Theory. 17 (3): 281–303. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.2007.00296.x.
Jump up ^ McLeod D.M; Kosicki G.M; McLeod J.M. (2009). Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research. New York: Routledge. pp. 228–251.
Jump up ^ Petty R.E; Cacioppo J.T (1986). Advances in Experimental Social Psychology. New York:: Academic. pp. 123–205.
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Jump up ^ Webster, J.G. (2009). Media Choice: A Theoretical and Empirical Overview. New York: Routledge.
Jump up ^ Section derived from Valkenburg, P. M.; Peter, J.; Walther, J. B. (2016). "Media Effects: Theory and Research". Annual Review of Psychology. 67: 315–338. PMID 26331344. doi:10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033608.
Jump up ^ Cary, Mary Kate (2010). "5 Ways New Media Are Changing Politics". U.S.News.
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Further reading[edit]
Adorno, Theodor (1973), The Jargon of Authenticity
Allan, Stuart (2004), News Culture
Barker, Martin, & Petley, Julian, eds (2001), Ill Effects: The media/violence debate – Second edition, London: Routledge
Carter, Cynthia, and Weaver, C. Kay, eds (2003), Violence and the Media, Maidenhead: Open University Press
Chomsky, Noam & Herman, Edward (1988, 2002). Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon
Curran, J. & Seaton, J. (1988), Power without Responsibility
Curran, J. & Gurevitch, M. (eds) (1991), Mass Media and Society
Durham, M. & Kellner, D. (2001), Media and Cultural Studies. UK: Blackwell Publishing
Fowles, Jib (1999), The Case for Television Violence, Thousand Oaks: Sage
Gauntlett, David (2005), Moving Experiences – Second Edition: Media Effects and Beyond, London: John Libbey
Grossberg, L., et al. (1998). Mediamaking: Mass media in a popular culture. CA: Sage Publications
Harris, J. L.; Bargh, J. A. (2009). "Television Viewing and Unhealthy Diet: Implications for Children and Media Interventions". Health Communication. 24 (7): 660–673. PMC 2829711  . PMID 20183373. doi:10.1080/10410230903242267.
Habermas, J. (1962), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere
Horkheimer (1947), The Eclipse of Reason, Oxford University Press
Lang K & Lang G.E. (1966), The Mass Media and Voting
Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1944), The People's Choice
Mander, Jerry, "The Tyranny of Television", in Resurgence No. 165
McClure, S. M.; Li, J.; Tomlin, D.; Cypert, K. S.; Montague, L. M.; Montague, P. R. (2004). "Neural correlates of behavioral preference for culturally familiar drinks". Neuron. 44 (2): 379–387. PMID 15473974. doi:10.1016/j.neuron.2004.09.019.
McCombs, M; Shaw, D.L. (1972). "The Agenda-setting Function of the Mass Media". Public Opinion Quarterly. 73: 176–187.
Potter, W. James (1999), On Media Violence, Thousand Oaks: Sage
Powell, L. M.; Szczpka, G.; Chaloupka, F. J.; Braunschweig, C. L. (2007). "Nutritional content of television food advertisements seen by children and adolescents". Pediatrics. 120 (3): 576–583. doi:10.1542/peds.2006-3595.
Riesman, David (1950), The Lonely Crowd
Robinson, T. N.; Borzekowsi, D. L.; Matheson, D. M.; Kraemer, H. C. (2007). "Effects of fast food branding on young children's taste preferences". Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine. 161 (8): 792–797. doi:10.1001/archpedi.161.8.792.
Thompson, J. (1995), The Media and Modernity
Trenaman J., and McQuail, D. (1961), Television and the Political ImageMethuen
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Boone Hall
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Boone Hall Plantation
U.S. National Register of Historic Places
U.S. Historic district
The main house at Boone Hall
Show map of South Carolina Show map of the US Show all
Location
1235 Long Point Rd Mount Pleasant, South Carolina
Coordinates
32°51′27.21″N 79°49′19.37″W / 32.8575583°N 79.8220472°W / 32.8575583; -79.8220472Coordinates: 32°51′27.21″N 79°49′19.37″W / 32.8575583°N 79.8220472°W / 32.8575583; -79.8220472
Area
738 acres (298.7 ha)
Built
1936 (reconstruction)
1681 (settled)
Architect
William Harmon Beers
Architectural style
Colonial Revival
NRHP reference #
83002187[1] (original)
93001512[1] (increase)
Significant dates
Added to NRHP
July 14, 1983
Boundary increase
January 21, 1994
Boone Hall Plantation is one of America's oldest working plantations, continually growing crops for over 320 years. The antebellum era plantation is located in Mount Pleasant, Charleston County, South Carolina, U.S.A., and listed on the National Register of Historic Places.[1][2][3][4]
The plantation includes a large Colonial Revival plantation house (completed in 1936) that replaced the lost original house on the site, a number of slave cabins or cottages (which were occupied by sharecroppers well into the 20th century), several flower gardens, and the historic "Avenue of Oaks" an expanse of over a kilometer along the up to the house[5] with southern live oaks on either side, originally planted in 1743.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 17th and 18th centuries
1.2 19th century
1.3 20th century
1.4 21st century
2 Mansion and grounds
2.1 Architecture
2.2 Interior
2.3 Grounds
3 Boone Hall Farms
4 In popular culture
5 Gallery
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
History[edit]
17th and 18th centuries[edit]
The earliest known reference to the site is in 1681, in a land grant of 470 acres (1.9 km2) from owner Theophilus Patey, to his daughter Elizabeth and her new husband, Major John Boone as a wedding gift when the land became known as Boone Hall Plantation though it is unknown when a house was built on the site. John Boone was one of the first settlers of the South Carolina colony arriving in 1672. Boone and his wife were ancestors of Founding Fathers Edward Rutledge and John Rutledge.[6] He was elected to the Grand Council during the 1680s but was removed twice because he illegally dealt in Indian slaves, associated with pirates, and concealed stolen goods. He went on to hold other local offices such as tax assessor and highway commissioner. When Boone died, he divided his estate between his wife and five children with his eldest son, Thomas, making Boone Hall his home.[7]
19th century[edit]
The ownership of the plantation continued in the Boone family until it was sold in 1811. Within the next few years, Boone Hall was again sold to Henry and John Horlbeck who were in the brick business. The brothers built many houses and public spaces in downtown Charleston using the brick from their plantations, of which by 1850, Boone Hall was producing 4,000,000 bricks per year using 85 slaves. The Horlbeck family also improved the plantation by completing the Avenue of Oaks that lead up to the plantation house in 1843. The Horlbecks also planted pecan trees on the plantation, so that by end of the century, Boone Hall was one of the leading producers of pecans in the United States.[7]
20th century[edit]
A 1900 photograph shows the former house.
Boone Hall Plantation was purchased in 1935 from the Horlbeck estate by Canadian Thomas Stone. He and his wife, Alexandra, wanting a "grander style" home on the 738 acre plantation built the house that stands there today in 1936 demolishing the existing two-story frame house with a one-story front porch.[8] The Stones also reinvigorated the pecan farming operation at the plantation, focusing on about 200 acres of what had been a 700-acre pecan farm, and built an electrical plant which created power from the tides of the nearby rivers to power the plantation.[8]
In 1940, the Stones sold the plantation to Georgian prince Dimitri Jorjadze and his American socialite wife, Audrey. The prince raced thoroughbreds under the nom de course, Boone Hall Stable, with the most notable of his horses being Princequillo, who in 1943 was the fastest distance runner in the United States.[9] The princely couple sold the plantation to Dr. Henry Deas in 1945, who in turn sold to Harris M. McRae and his wife Nancy in 1955. The McRaes continued to farm the land with a focus on growing peach trees, and eventually opened the plantation to public tours in 1956.
21st century[edit]
Boone Hall is still owned by the McRae family who have made great efforts to preserve the original structures and gardens. Due to its role in the antebellum south, the plantation was named one of the African American Historic Places in South Carolina.[10]
Mansion and grounds[edit]
Architecture[edit]
Thomas Stone commissioned architect William Harmon Beers to design a grander residence to replace the rather modest house on the Boone Hall Plantation. Constructed in the Colonial Revival style the mansion was built under the oversight of builder Cambridge M. Trott in 1936.[11] Built on the gently sloping banks of Horlbeck Creek, the south facing residence is a two-and-half story building that incorporates materials from the plantation’s old farm structures and salvaged historic brick recovered from the Laurel Hill Brickyard.[12] The eight-bay wide facade is slightly asymmetrical, with its pedimented gable portico at the fourth, fifth and sixth bays. The portico is supported by six massive Tuscan columns, and features a bull's eye window in the tympanum. On the ground level, the three western bays feature shuttered 9/9 windows, while the two eastern bays are slightly smaller with 6/9 windows. Within the portico are smaller 6/6 windows flanking the paneled entry door with sidelights and fanlight. Second level window openings are slightly shorter, and have a 6/6 sash. An oculus window occupies the space between the second and third bays on the western side of the facade. Above the entry is an iron balcony, accessed by French doors. The lateral hipped roof has a medium pitch, with tall brick exterior chimneys at each side elevation. One interior chimney pierces the slate roof.[3]
On the northern, rear facade, there is a wing that projects from the eastern half of the house consisting of four bays. The roof is hipped and has two gabled dormers on all three sides of the wing that indicates a finished attic level. There are brick exterior chimneys at the rear and east elevations of the wing, which has 6/9 windows at both levels. There are two further projections from the rear wing. A small one-story brick wing on the north elevation, with hipped roof and exterior chimney, was originally used for farm-related storage. At the rear bay of the east elevation is a one-story, one-by-one bay frame wing, with a slate gable roof and exterior brick chimney attached to the house as an office. This small structure predates the main house, and was relocated, attached and re-sided.
Within the ell at the rear of the house, connecting the library at the front of the house with the loggia in the rear wing, is a brick paved terrace enclosed with a serpentine wall. Single and double French doors, with fanlight, in round-arched surrounds access the terrace from the library, while the west wall of the loggia opens to the terrace with a row of three French doors with sidelights and fanlights in round-arched openings. The mansion has an excavated basement with cement slab flooring, and 5'5" walls of smooth cement on which the brick exterior walls rest. Brick piers lend additional support to the main structure.[3]
Interior[edit]
Encompassing about 10,000 square feet (930 m2),[7] the layout of the mansion has the principal rooms of Boone Hall located on the ground floor. The spacious foyer has plaster walls with a double cornice at ceiling level, and flooring of teak parquet. A cantilevered winding staircase rises to the second level, lit by a triple-hung arched window with 12-light sash. To the left of the foyer is the library, accessed through a mahogany paneled door, with an arched tympanum and keystone, that matches the exterior entry door. Shallow steps lead down from a landing just inside the room to the floor of wide oak boards. The walls are clad in dark green painted cypress paneling, offset by a white chair rail that flanks a simple fireplace surround, glass-fronted built-in bookshelves, and a cornice with heavy dentil molding. On the north side of the library, are ornate french doors, with a semicircular arch in the Palladian style, that access the terrace. Centered on the east wall of the foyer is an arched opening, with fluted pilasters and keystone, that accesses a short hallway that steps down to the double door entry of the dining room. The dining room features oak flooring and cypress paneling painted red. The modest dentil cornice, fireplace surround and chair rail are painted white, matching the treatment in the library. The dining room connects with the kitchen through a butler's pantry with glass-fronted cabinets, topped by smaller cabinets at the ceiling level that extend completely around the room. The countertops are made of Monel, and the narrow oak flooring continues into the large kitchen designed to facilitate grand-scale entertaining.
Accessed through an arched opening on the north wall of the foyer, located under the winding staircase, is the entry into the loggia, adjacent to the west of the kitchen in the rear wing, that leads to the game room at the north end of the rear wing. The enclosed loggia features a low groin-vaulted ceiling of brick and cement stucco, herringbone-laid brick flooring, and centered on a round-arched fireplace surround with a mirrored inset above the mantel. Opposite the fireplace are three double door arched openings to the terrace. The game room has exposed ceiling beams of rough-hewn cypress, cypress paneled walls and salvaged wide heart pine flooring that may have been saved from the prior plantation residence that had been recently demolished. The game room also gives access to a small wine cellar located in the basement. The private family quarters are found on the second floor and are accessed by a hallway featuring arches with fluted pilasters and keystones. The bedrooms have generally simpler finishes than found on the ground floor, though the rear bedrooms and the third level finished space are quite plain. Giving access to each floor is an elevator that rises from the basement to the second level.
Grounds[edit]
The Avenue of Oaks
Boone Hall Slave Cabin
Boone Hall Plantation today spans 738 acres that includes seasonal crop fields, naturally preserved wetlands, creeks, and ponds. The most notable natural feature of the grounds is the grand "Avenue of Oaks" that was first planted in 1743 and completed by the Horlbeck brothers in 1843. On axis with the front facade of the house, the allee consists of 88 live oak trees and one magnolia, that are evenly spaced, and run 3/4 of a mile from the entrance of the plantation to a pair of brick gateposts. The gateposts are topped with ball finals, hung with formal wrought iron gates and along with a brick serpentine wall enclose the forecourt of the house. Open lawns at each side of the entry drive are flanked by formal gardens with brick-paved paths, laid among large live oaks and planted with camellias, azaleas and Noisette roses. On the wide forecourt directly in front of the house are two pergolas, constructed in 1993 as part of the ongoing efforts to enhance the gardens. At the southwest edge of the gardens, within the serpentine wall, is a brick smokehouse dating from 1750. The cylindrical structure has a conical timber roof sheathed in slate.
South of the smokehouse, and running parallel with the oak allee, sit nine of the original slave cabins which date back to 1790-1810. It was common for owners to display their slave cabins in the front of the property as a sign of wealth.[13] Built of brick, the one-story structures are 12 feet by 30 feet with gabled roofs, have either plank or dirt floors and a simple fireplace with a brick hearth and no mantle at the rear of each house. The cabins were in use well into the 20th century, as they were occupied by sharecroppers through the 1940s. Today they display information on slave life. To the southeast of the main house is the large Cotton Gin house built in the 1850s. The machinery to process cotton is no longer found, and has since been used as a guest house, restaurant and gift shop by subsequent owners. Due to damage by Hurricane Hugo, the building is no longer habitable and is awaiting renovation.
The grounds are a popular venue for weddings in the Charleston area, and was the location for the nuptials of actors Ryan Reynolds and Blake Lively in 2012.[14]
Boone Hall Farms[edit]
Boone Hall Farms is the present agricultural arm that operates this part of the plantation. April to June, strawberries are the centerpiece at Boone Hall Farms. The annual Lowcountry Strawberry Festival caps off the peak of each season and thousands of pounds of strawberries are picked from Boone Hall Farms U-Pick fields. Spring planting annually includes tomatoes, squash, cucumbers, watermelons, sweet corn, and other produce that is part of the Boone Hall Farms farm-to-table program that is featured in over 35 Lowcountry businesses and restaurants. These crops are harvested throughout the summer months during the peak of the South Carolina growing season. Plans are presently underway to expand the tomato crop rotation that will produce deep into the fall growing season along with the pumpkin crop. Boone Hall Farms Market opened in 2006 as an outlet for its crops as well as featuring other fresh local South Carolina-grown produce. This market is open throughout the year and additionally features a variety of other food products, a market cafe, fresh local seafood, and a floral/gift shop.
In popular culture[edit]
The grounds and buildings of Boone Hall Plantation have appeared in a number of major motion pictures and TV series:
America (1972 TV Series)
Days of Our Lives (1984)
North and South (1985 & 1986 Mini-Series)
Alex Haley's Queen (1993 Mini-Series)
Scarlett (1994 Mini-Series)
The Notebook (2004)[15]
The Price of Freedom (2004 Documentary)
Bin Yah: There's No Place Like Home (2008)
Gallery[edit]
Oldest oak at plantation
See also[edit]
Media related to Boone Hall at Wikimedia Commons
Antebellum South Carolina
List of plantations in South Carolina
National Register of Historic Places listings in Charleston County, South Carolina
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c National Park Service (2010-07-09). "National Register Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service.
Jump up ^ Wells, John E. (August 4, 1972). "Slave Street, Smokehouse, and Allee, Boone Hall Plantation" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. Retrieved 10 June 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b c Frick, Sarah (June 30, 1993). "Boone Hall Plantation House and Historic Landscape" (pdf). National Register of Historic Places - Nomination and Inventory. Retrieved 10 June 2012.
Jump up ^ "Boone Hall Plantation, Charleston County (Long Point Road, off U.S. Hwy. 17, Mount Pleasant vicinity)". National Register Properties in South Carolina. South Carolina Department of Archives and History. Retrieved 10 June 2012.
Jump up ^ Located at 1235 Long Point Road, Mount Pleasant SC 29464-9020
Jump up ^ Pearson, Colin (29 Sep 2016). "What to Look for at Boone Hall Plantation and Gardens". Best of Hipster Charleston. Retrieved 16 February 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Boone Hall Plantation – Mount Pleasant – Charleston County". South-Carolina-Plantations.com. Retrieved 2 December 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b "Tide Harnessed at Boone Hall to Furnish Power for Entire Plantation". News and Courier. Charleston SC. November 8, 1936. p. 3C. Retrieved 1 May 2016.
Jump up ^ "Princequillo (IRE)". American Classic Pedigrees. Retrieved 16 November 2016.
Jump up ^ African American Historic Places in South Carolina Archived 2009-03-30 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Boone Hall Plantation". Roots and Recall. Retrieved 30 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Boone Hall Plantation". Town of Mount Pleasant Municipal Complex. Retrieved 30 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Boone Hall Plantation – Mount Pleasant, South Carolinay". South Carolina Picture Project. Retrieved 16 February 2017.
Jump up ^ "Blake Lively & Ryan Reynolds are Married". People. September 9, 2012. Retrieved September 9, 2012.
Jump up ^ McGuire, Judy (February 28, 2009). "Romance, Movie Style - Love on Location - The Notebook". Time. Retrieved 3 January 2013.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Boone Hall.
Official Site
Boone Hall at South Carolina Plantations
Annual Re-enactment of The Battle of Secessionville held at Boone Hall Plantation
Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS) No. SC-102, "Boone Hall Quarters, Mount Pleasant, Charleston County, SC", 1 photo, 2 data pages
Boone Hall Plantation in Street View
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