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Dominoes
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"Domino" redirects here. For other uses, see Domino (disambiguation).
Dominoes
Genre(s)
Tile-based game
Players
2 to 4
Playing time
less than 15 minutes
Skill(s) required
Tactics, strategy
Dominoes tiles
Dominoes is a family of tile-based games played with rectangular "domino" tiles. Each domino is a rectangular tile with a line dividing its face into two square ends. Each end is marked with a number of spots (also called pips, nips, or dobs) or is blank. The backs of the dominoes in a set are indistinguishable, either blank or having some common design. The domino gaming pieces (colloquially nicknamed bones, cards, tiles, tickets, stones, chips, or spinners[dubious – discuss]) make up a domino set, sometimes called a deck or pack. The traditional Sino-European domino set consists of 28 dominoes, featuring all combinations of spot counts between zero and six. A domino set is a generic gaming device, similar to playing cards or dice, in that a variety of games can be played with a set.
The earliest mention of dominoes is from Song dynasty China found in the text Former Events in Wulin by Zhou Mi (1232–1298).[1] Modern dominoes first appeared in Italy during the 18th century, but how Chinese dominoes developed into the modern game is unknown. Italian missionaries in China may have brought the game to Europe.[2]
The name "domino" is most likely from the resemblance to a kind of carnival costume worn during the Venetian Carnival, often consisting of a black-hooded robe and a white mask.[3][4] Despite the coinage of the word polyomino as a generalization, there is no connection between the word "domino" and the number 2 in any language.
Contents
1 Construction and composition of domino sets
2 History
3 Tiles and suits
4 Rules
4.1 Blocking game
4.2 Scoring game
4.3 Draw game
4.4 Line of play
4.5 Scoring
4.6 Variations and game play
4.7 Bogus play
4.8 Card games using domino sets
5 Competitive play
6 Other uses of dominoes
7 Dominoes in Unicode
8 Historic domino competitions
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
Construction and composition of domino sets[edit]
European-style dominoes are traditionally made of bone or ivory, or a dark hardwood such as ebony, with contrasting black or white pips (inlaid or painted). Alternatively, domino sets have been made from many different natural materials: stone (e.g., marble, granite or soapstone); other hardwoods (e.g., ash, oak, redwood, and cedar); metals (e.g., brass or pewter); ceramic clay, or even frosted glass or crystal. These sets have a more novel look, and the often heavier weight makes them feel more substantial; also, such materials and the resulting products are usually much more expensive than polymer materials.
Domino tiles
Modern commercial domino sets are usually made of synthetic materials, such as ABS or polystyrene plastics, or Bakelite and other phenolic resins; many sets approximate the look and feel of ivory while others use colored or even translucent plastics to achieve a more contemporary look. Modern sets also commonly use a different color for the dots of each different end value (one-spots might have black pips while two-spots might be green, three red, etc.) to facilitate finding matching ends. Occasionally, one may find a domino set made of card stock like that for playing cards. Such sets are lightweight, compact, and inexpensive, and like cards are more susceptible to minor disturbances such as a sudden breeze. Sometimes, dominoes have a metal pin (called a spinner or pivot) in the middle.[5]
The traditional set of dominoes contains one unique piece for each possible combination of two ends with zero to six spots, and is known as a double-six set because the highest-value piece has six pips on each end (the "double six"). The spots from one to six are generally arranged as they are on six-sided dice, but because blank ends having no spots are used, seven faces are possible, allowing 28 unique pieces in a double-six set.
However, this is a relatively small number especially when playing with more than four people, so many domino sets are "extended" by introducing ends with greater numbers of spots, which increases the number of unique combinations of ends and thus of pieces. Each progressively larger set increases the maximum number of pips on an end by three, so the common extended sets are double-nine, double-12, double-15, and double-18. Larger sets such as double-21 can theoretically exist, but are rarely seen in retail stores, as identifying the number of pips on each domino becomes difficult, and a double-21 set would have 253 pieces, far more than is normally necessary for most domino games even with eight players.
History[edit]
Main article: Chinese dominoes
Dutch sailors playing dominoes, 1890s
The oldest confirmed written mention of dominoes in China comes from the Former Events in Wulin (i.e., the capital Hangzhou) written by the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368) author Zhou Mi (1232–1298), who listed pupai (gambling plaques or dominoes), as well as dice as items sold by peddlers during the reign of Emperor Xiaozong of Song (r. 1162–1189).[1] Andrew Lo asserts that Zhou Mi meant dominoes when referring to pupai, since the Ming author Lu Rong (1436–1494) explicitly defined pupai as dominoes (in regard to a story of a suitor who won a maiden's hand by drawing out four winning pupai from a set).[1]
The earliest known manual written about dominoes is the 《宣和牌譜》 (Manual of the Xuanhe Period) written by Qu You (1341–1437),[1] but some Chinese scholars believe this manual is a forgery from a later time.[6]
In the Encyclopedia of a Myriad of Treasures, Zhang Pu (1602–1641) described the game of laying out dominoes as pupai, although the character for pu had changed, yet retained the same pronunciation.[1] Traditional Chinese domino games include Tien Gow, Pai Gow, Che Deng, and others. The 32-piece Chinese domino set, made to represent each possible face of two thrown dice and thus have no blank faces, differs from the 28-piece domino set found in the West during the mid 18th century.[7] Chinese dominoes with blank faces were known during the 17th century.[8]
Many different domino sets have been used for centuries in various parts of the world to play a variety of domino games. Each domino originally represented one of the 21 results of throwing two six-sided dice (2d6). One half of each domino is set with the pips from one die and the other half contains the pips from the second die. Chinese sets also introduce duplicates of some throws and divide the dominoes into two suits: military and civil.[9] Chinese dominoes are also longer than typical European dominoes.
The early 18th century had dominoes making their way to Europe, making their first appearance in Italy. The game changed somewhat in the translation from Chinese to the European culture. European domino sets contain neither suit distinctions nor the duplicates that went with them. Instead, European sets contain seven additional dominoes, with six of these representing the values that result from throwing a single die with the other half of the tile left blank, and the seventh domino representing the blank-blank (0–0) combination.
Ivory dominoes were routinely used in 19th-century rural England in the settling of disputes over traditional grazing boundaries, and were commonly referred to as "bonesticks".[10]
Tiles and suits[edit]
Complete double-six set
Domino tiles, also known as bones, are twice as long as they are wide and usually have a line in the middle dividing them into two squares. The value of either side is the number of spots or pips. In the most common variant (double-six), the values range from blank or no pips to six.[11] The sum of the two values, i.e. the total number of pips, may be referred to as the rank or weight of a tile, and a tile with more pips may be called heavier than a lighter tile with fewer pips.
Tiles are generally named after their two values; e.g. deuce-five or five-deuce (2–5 or 5–2) are alternative ways of describing the tile with the values two and five. Tiles that have the same value on both ends are called doubles, and are typically referred to as double-zero, double-one, etc.[11] Tiles with two different values are called singles.[12]
Every tile belongs to the two suits of its two values, e.g. 0–3 belongs both to the blank suit (or 0 suit) and to the 3 suit. Naturally the doubles form an exception in that each double belongs to only one suit.[11] In 42, the doubles can be treated as an additional suit of doubles, so the double-six (6–6) belongs both to the six suit and the suit of doubles.
The most common domino sets commercially available are double six (with 28 tiles) and double nine (with 55 tiles). Larger sets exist and are popular for games involving several players or for players looking for long domino games. The number of tiles in a set has the formula ( n + 1 ) ( n + 2 ) 2 {\displaystyle {\frac {(n+1)(n+2)}{2}}} for a double-n set.[13]
Rules[edit]
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See also: List of domino games
The most popular type of play are layout games, which fall into two main categories, blocking games and scoring games.
Most domino games are blocking games, i.e. the objective is to empty one's hand while blocking the opponent's. In the end, a score may be determined by counting the pips in the losing players' hands.
In scoring games, the scoring is different and happens mostly during game play, making it the principal objective.[12]
A popular version played predominantly in Singapore, referenced as Hector's Rules, allows for playing double tiles on opponents' hands and awards a bonus play of an additional tile immediately after playing a double tile.
Blocking game[edit]
The most basic domino variant is for two players and requires a double-six set. The 28 tiles are shuffled face down and form the stock or boneyard. Each player draws seven tiles; the remainder are not used. Once the players begin drawing tiles, they are typically placed on-edge in front of the players, so each player can see their own tiles, but none can see the value of other players' tiles. Every player can thus see how many tiles remain in the opponent's hands at all times during gameplay.
One player begins by downing (playing the first tile) one of their tiles. This tile starts the line of play, in which values of adjacent pairs of tile ends must match. The players alternately extend the line of play with one tile at one of its two ends; if a player is unable to place a valid tile, they must keep on pulling tiles from the stock until they can. The game ends when one player wins by playing their last tile, or when the game is blocked because neither player can play. If that occurs, whoever caused the block gets all of the remaining player points not counting their own.[11]
Scoring game[edit]
Players accrue points during game play for certain configurations, moves, or emptying one's hand. Most scoring games use variations of the draw game. If a player does not call "domino" before the tile is laid on the table, and another player says domino after the tile is laid, the first player must pick up an extra domino.
Draw game[edit]
In a draw game (blocking or scoring), players are additionally allowed to draw as many tiles as desired from the stock before playing a tile, and they are not allowed to pass before the stock is (nearly) empty.[11] The score of a game is the number of pips in the losing player's hand plus the number of pips in the stock. Most rules prescribe that two tiles need to remain in the stock.[12] The draw game is often referred to as simply "dominoes".[14]
Adaptations of both games can accommodate more than two players, who may play individually or in teams.[11]
Line of play[edit]
Muggins played with multicolored tiles: The doubles serve as spinners, allowing the line of play to branch.
The line of play is the configuration of played tiles on the table. It starts with a single tile and typically grows in two opposite directions when players add matching tiles. In practice, players often play tiles at right angles when the line of play gets too close to the edge of the table.
The rules for the line of play often differ from one variant to another. In many rules, the doubles serve as spinners, i.e., they can be played on all four sides, causing the line of play to branch. Sometimes, the first tile is required to be a double, which serves as the only spinner.[12] In some games such as Chicken Foot, all sides of a spinner must be occupied before anybody is allowed to play elsewhere. Matador has unusual rules for matching. Bendomino uses curved tiles, so one side of the line of play (or both) may be blocked for geometrical reasons.
In Mexican Train and other train games, the game starts with a spinner from which various trains branch off. Most trains are owned by a player and in most situations players are allowed to extend only their own train.
Scoring[edit]
In blocking games, scoring happens at the end of the game. After a player has emptied their hand, thereby winning the game for the team, the score consists of the total pip count of the losing team's hands. In some rules, the pip count of the remaining stock is added. If a game is blocked because no player can move, the winner is often determined by adding the pips in players' hands.[12]
In scoring games, each individual can potentially add to the score. For example, in Bergen, players score two points whenever they cause a configuration in which both open ends have the same value and three points if additionally one open end is formed by a double.[15][16] In Muggins, players score by ensuring the total pip count of the open ends is a multiple of a certain number. In variants of Muggins, the line of play may branch due to spinners.
In British public houses and social clubs, a scoring version of "5s-and-3s" is used. The game is normally played in pairs (two against two) and is played as a series of "ends". In each "end", the objective is for players to attach a domino from their hand to one end of those already played so that the sum of the end dominoes is divisible by five or three. One point is scored for each time five or three can be divided into the sum of the two dominoes, i.e. four at one end and five at the other makes nine, which is divisible by three three times, resulting in three points. Double five at one end and five at the other makes 15, which is divisible by three five times (five points) and divisible by five three times (three points) for a total of eight points.
An "end" stops when one of the players is out, i.e., has played all of their dominoes. In the event no player is able to empty their hand, then the player with the lowest domino left in hand is deemed to be out and scores one point. A game consists of any number of ends with points scored in the ends accumulating towards a total. The game ends when one of the pair's total score exceeds a set number of points. A running total score is often kept on a cribbage board. 5s-and-3s is played in a number of competitive leagues in the British Isles.
Variations and game play[edit]
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For 40 years the game has been played by four people, with the winner being the first player to score 150 points, in multiples of five, by using 27 bones, using mathematical strategic defenses and explosive offense. At times, it has been played with pairs of partners. The double-six set is the preferred deck with the lowest denomination of game pieces, with 28 dominoes.
In many versions of the game, the player with the highest double leads with that double, for example "double-six". If no one has it, the next-highest double is called: "double-five?", then "double-four?", etc. until the highest double in any of the players' hands is played. If no player has an "opening" double, the next heaviest domino in the highest suit is called - "six-five?", "six-four?". In some variants, players take turns picking dominoes from the stock until an opening double is picked and played. In other variants, the hand is reshuffled and each player picks seven dominoes. After the first hand, the winner (or winning team) of the previous hand is allowed to pick first and begins by playing any domino in his or her hand.
Playing the first bone of a hand is sometimes called setting, leading, downing, or posing the first bone. Dominoes aficionados often call this procedure smacking down the bone.[17] After each hand, bones are shuffled and each player draws the number of bones required, normally seven. Play proceeds clockwise. Players, in turn, must play a bone with an end that matches one of the open ends of the layouts.
In some versions of the games, the pips or points on the end, and the section to be played next to it must add up to a given number. For example, in a double-six set, the "sum" would be six, requiring a blank to be played next to a six, an ace (one) next to a five, a deuce (two) next to a four, etc.
The stock of bones left behind, if any, is called the bone yard, and the bones therein are said to be sleeping. In draw games, players take part in the bone selection, typically drawing from the bone yard when they do not have a "match" in their hands.
If a player inadvertently picks up and sees one or more extra dominoes, those dominoes become part of his or her hand.
A player who can play a tile may be allowed to pass anyway. Passing can be signalled by tapping twice on the table or by saying "go" or "pass".
Play continues until one of the players has played all the dominoes in his or her hand, calls "Out!", "I win", or "Domino!" and wins the hand, or until all players are blocked and no legal plays remain. This is sometimes referred to as locked down or sewed up. In a common version of the game, the next player after the block picks up all the dominoes in the bone yard as if trying to find a (nonexistent) match. If all the players are blocked, or locked out, the player with the lowest hand (pip count) wins. In team play, the team with the lowest individual hand wins. In the case of a tie, the first of tied players or the first team in the play rotation wins.
In games where points accrue, the winning player scores a point for each pip on each bone still held by each opponent or the opposing team. If no player went out, the win is determined by the lightest hand, sometimes only the excess points held by opponents.
A game is generally played to 100 points, the tally being kept on paper. In more common games, mainly urban rules, games are played to 150, 200, or 250 points.
Score being kept by houses: The player at left has 75 points and the player at right has 115 points.
In some games, the tally is kept by creating houses, where the beginning of the house (the first 10 points) is a large +, the next 10 points are O, and scoring with a five is a /, and are placed in the four corners of the house. One house is equal to 50 points.
In some versions, if a lock down occurs, the first person to call a lock-down gains the other players bones and adds the amount of the pips to his or her house. If a person who calls rocks after a call of lock-down or domino finds the number of pips a player called is incorrect, those points become his.
Bogus play[edit]
When a player plays out of turn or knocks when he could have played and someone calls bogus play, the other person is awarded 50 points.
Card games using domino sets[edit]
Apart from the usual blocking and scoring games, also domino games of a very different character are played, such as solitaire or trick-taking games. Most of these are adaptations of card games and were once popular in certain areas to circumvent religious proscriptions against playing cards.[18] A very simple example is a Concentration variant played with a double-six set; two tiles are considered to match if their total pip count is 12.
A popular domino game in Texas is 42. The game is similar to the card game spades. It is played with four players paired into teams. Each player draws seven dominoes, and the dominoes are played into tricks. Each trick counts as one point, and any domino with a multiple of five dots counts toward the total of the hand. These 35 points of "five count" and seven tricks equals 42 points, hence the name.
Competitive play[edit]
Commemorative Coin of the 2011 Domino World Championship in Abkhazia
Dominoes is played at a professional level, similar to poker. Numerous organisations and clubs of amateur domino players exist around the world. Some organizations, including the Fédération Internationale de Domino (FIDO)[19] organize international competitions. The 2008 and 2009 Double FIDO domino world champion from the UK is Darren Elhindi.
Other uses of dominoes[edit]
Dominoes in motion
Dominoes waiting to fall
Besides playing games, another use of dominoes is the domino show, which involves standing them on end in long lines so that when the first tile is toppled, it topples the second, which topples the third, etc., resulting in all of the tiles falling. By analogy, the phenomenon of small events causing similar events leading to eventual catastrophe is called the domino effect.
Arrangements of millions of tiles have been made that have taken many minutes, even hours to fall. For large and elaborate arrangements, special blockages (also known as firebreaks) are employed at regular distances to prevent a premature toppling from undoing more than a section of the dominoes while still being able to be removed without damage.
The phenomenon also has some theoretical relevance (amplifier, digital signal, information processing),[20] and this amounts to the theoretical possibility of building domino computers.[21] Dominoes are also commonly used as components in Rube Goldberg machines.
The Netherlands has hosted an annual domino-toppling exhibition called Domino Day since 1986. The event held on 18 November 2005 knocked over 4 million dominoes by a team from Weijers Domino Productions. On Domino Day 2008 (14 November 2008), the Weijers Domino Productions team attempted to set 10 records:[22]
Longest domino spiral (200 m)
Highest domino climb (12 m)
Smallest domino tile (7 mm)
Largest domino tile (4.8 m)
Longest domino wall (16 m)
Largest domino structure (25,000 tiles)
Fastest topple of 30 metres of domino tiles (4.21 sec, time by Churandy Martina: 3.81 sec)
Largest number of domino tiles resting on a single domino (1002 tiles) for more than 1 hour
Largest rectangular level domino field (1 million tiles)
A new record of 4,345,027 tiles
This record attempt was held in the WTC Expo hall (nl) in Leeuwarden. The artist who toppled the first stone was the Finnish acrobat Salima Peippo.
At one time, Pressman Toys manufactured a product called Domino Rally that contained tiles and mechanical devices for setting up toppling exhibits.
In Berlin on 9 November 2009, giant dominoes were toppled in a 20th-anniversary commemoration of the fall of the Berlin Wall. Former Polish president and Solidarity leader Lech Wałęsa set the toppling in motion.
Dominoes in Unicode[edit]
Main article: Domino Tiles (Unicode block)
Since April 2008,[23] the character encoding standard Unicode includes characters that represent the double-six domino tiles in various orientations. All combinations of blank through six pips on the left or right provides 49 glyphs, the same combinations vertically for another 49, and also a horizontal and a vertical "back" for a total of 100 glyphs. In this arrangement, both orientations are present: horizontally both tiles [1|6] and [6|1] exist, while a regular game set only has one such tile. The Unicode range for dominoes is U+1F030–U+1F09F. The naming pattern in Unicode is, by example, U+1F03B 🀻 DOMINO TILE HORIZONTAL-01-03. Few fonts are known to support these glyphs.[24] While the complete domino set has only 28 tiles, for printing layout reasons, the Unicode set needs both horizontal and vertical forms for each tile, plus the 01-03 (plain) 03-01 (reversed) pairs, and generic backsides.
Domino Tiles[1][2]
Official Unicode Consortium code chart (PDF)
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 A B C D E F
U+1F03x 🀰 🀱 🀲 🀳 🀴 🀵 🀶 🀷 🀸 🀹 🀺 🀻 🀼 🀽 🀾 🀿
U+1F04x 🁀 🁁 🁂 🁃 🁄 🁅 🁆 🁇 🁈 🁉 🁊 🁋 🁌 🁍 🁎 🁏
U+1F05x 🁐 🁑 🁒 🁓 🁔 🁕 🁖 🁗 🁘 🁙 🁚 🁛 🁜 🁝 🁞 🁟
U+1F06x 🁠 🁡 🁢 🁣 🁤 🁥 🁦 🁧 🁨 🁩 🁪 🁫 🁬 🁭 🁮 🁯
U+1F07x 🁰 🁱 🁲 🁳 🁴 🁵 🁶 🁷 🁸 🁹 🁺 🁻 🁼 🁽 🁾 🁿
U+1F08x 🂀 🂁 🂂 🂃 🂄 🂅 🂆 🂇 🂈 🂉 🂊 🂋 🂌 🂍 🂎 🂏
U+1F09x 🂐 🂑 🂒 🂓
Notes
1.^ As of Unicode version 11.0
2.^ Grey areas indicate non-assigned code points
Historic domino competitions[edit]
Col. Henry T. Titus vs. Capt. Clark Rice for the naming of Titusville, Florida.[25]
See also[edit]
The domino players by Friedrich Sturm (de)
Chinese dominoes
Domino theory
Pub games
Quad-Ominos
Quincunx
Tile-based game
Triominoes
List of domino games
List of world championships in mind sports
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Lo, Andrew. "The Game of Leaves: An Inquiry into the Origin of Chinese Playing Cards," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 63, No. 3 (2000): 389-406.
Jump up ^ Rodney P. Carlisle (2 April 2009). Encyclopedia of Play. SAGE. p. 181. ISBN 978-1-4129-6670-2. Retrieved 5 October 2012.
Jump up ^ http://www.kipling.org.uk/rg_pinkdoms1.htm
Jump up ^ A domino is a kind of hood worn by the canons of a cathedral church. Later, the name was given to a mourning-veil for women and later still to half-masks worn by women when travelling or at a masquerade, for disguise. A domino was a masquerade-dress worn for disguise by ladies and gentlemen, and consisting of an ample cloak or mantle with wide sleeves and a hood removable at pleasure. It was usually made of black silk, but sometimes of other colours and materials.[The Probert Encyclopaedia]
Jump up ^ "General Western Domino Attributes". Retrieved 12 July 2014.
Jump up ^ 乔光辉、郭威、王骏. 《宣和牌谱》瞿佑作辨伪 (in Chinese). 《中华文化论坛》2009年01期. Retrieved 2014-01-04.
Jump up ^ Pickover (2002), 141.
Jump up ^ Lo, Andrew (2004) 'China's Passion for Pai: Playing Cards, Dominoes, and Mahjong.' In: Mackenzie, C. and Finkel, I., (eds.), Asian Games: The Art of Contest. New York: Asia Society, pp. 224.
Jump up ^ Lo, Andrew (2003). "Pan Zhiheng's 'Xu Yezi Pu' - Part 2". The Playing-Card. 31 (6): 281–284.
Jump up ^ Hartley, Land Law in West Lancashire in the mid- 19th Century, Farm Gazette, March 1984
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Hoyle, Edmond; Dawson, Lawrence Hawkins (1950). Hoyle's games modernized. Routledge & Kegan Paul. . Republished 1994 by Wordsworth Editions.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Kelley, Jennifer A.; Lugo, Miguel (2003). The Little Giant Book of Dominoes. Sterling. ISBN 1-4027-0290-6.
Jump up ^ "The Mathematics of Dominoes". Pagat.com. Retrieved 13 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Squareman, Clarence (1916). "My Book of Indoor Games".
Jump up ^ "Bergen". domino-games.com.
Jump up ^ "Bergen". pagat.com.
Jump up ^ "Domino Glossary". domino-play.com. Retrieved 2017-09-14.
Jump up ^ Morehead, Albert Hodges; Hoyle, Edmond; Frey, Richard L.; Mott-Smith, Geoffrey (1991). The New Complete Hoyle. Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-24962-4.
Jump up ^ http://domino-fid.org/
Jump up ^ Domino computer
Jump up ^ Domino computers Archived 16 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine., a detailed description written by David Johnston
Jump up ^ "World domino record set on TV". BBC News. 15 November 2008. Retrieved 18 November 2008.
Jump up ^ "Unicode Version 5.1 Released" (Press release). Unicode Consortium. 4 April 2008. Archived from the original on 27 January 2009.
Jump up ^ "Fontsupport". Retrieved 2012-02-07.
Jump up ^ "City of Titusville History". City of Titusville, Florida.
This article incorporates text from the public domain 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica.
Further reading[edit]
* Pickover, Clifford A. (2002). The Zen of Magic Squares, Circles, and Stars. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-11597-4.
External links[edit]
Media related to Dominoes at Wikimedia Commons
Dominoes at Curlie (based on DMOZ)
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Nativism (politics)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Nativism is the political policy of promoting the interests of native inhabitants against those of immigrants.[1] However, as of 2018[update] it is more commonly described[by whom?] as an immigration-restriction position.[2][need quotation to verify]
In scholarly studies nativism is a standard technical term. Those who hold this political view, however, do not typically accept the label. Dindar (2009) wrote, "nativists... do not consider themselves as nativists. For them it is a negative term and they rather consider themselves as 'Patriots'".[3]
Contents
1 Arguments for immigration restriction
2 By country
2.1 Australia
2.2 Brazil
2.3 Canada
2.4 Hong Kong
2.5 European countries
2.6 Pakistan
2.7 Taiwan
2.8 United Kingdom
2.9 United States
2.9.1 Early Republic
2.9.2 1830-1860
2.9.3 Anti-German nativism
2.9.4 Anti-Chinese nativism
2.9.5 20th century
2.9.6 21st century
2.9.7 Language
3 See also
4 References
5 Further reading
5.1 United States
5.2 Canada
6 External links
Arguments for immigration restriction[edit]
Main article: Opposition to immigration
According to Fetzer (2000), opposition to immigration commonly arises in many countries because of issues of national, cultural, and religious identity. The phenomenon has been studied especially in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as in continental Europe. Thus nativism has become a general term for "opposition to immigration" based on fears that the immigrants will distort or spoil existing cultural values.[4] In situations where immigrants greatly outnumber the original inhabitants,[5] nativistic movements can allow cultural survival. The claim that immigrants can "swamp" a local population is related to birth rate relative to nationals. Contemporary opponents of immigration blame it for such problems as unemployment, crime (especially through gangs), harm to the environment, housing shortage, and overwhelming social services such as hospitals, police.
Immigration restrictionist sentiment is typically justified with one or more of the following arguments and claims about immigrants:[6]
Government expense: Government expenses may exceed tax revenue relating to new immigrants.[7]
Language: Isolate themselves in their own communities and refuse to learn the local language.
Employment: Acquire jobs that would have otherwise been available to native citizens, depressing native employment; create an oversupply of labor, depressing wages.
Patriotism: Damage a sense of community and nationality.
Environment: Increase the consumption of scarce resources; their move from low- to high-pollution economies increases pollution.
Welfare: Make heavy use of social welfare systems.
Overpopulation: May overpopulate countries.
Culture: Can swamp a native population and replace its culture with their own.
Housing: Increase in housing costs: migrant families can reduce vacancies and cause rent increases.
By country[edit]
Australia[edit]
Many Australians opposed the influx of Chinese immigrants at time of the nineteenth-century gold rushes. When the separate Australian colonies formed the Commonwealth of Australia in 1901, the new nation adopted "White Australia" as one of its founding principles. Under the White Australia policy, entry of Chinese and other Asians remained controversial until well after World War II, although the country remained home to many long-established Chinese families dating from before the adoption of White Australia. By contrast, most Pacific Islanders were deported soon after the policy was adopted, while the remainder were forced out of the canefields where they had worked for decades.[8]
Hostility of native-born white Australians toward British and Irish immigrants in the late 19th century was manifested in a new party, the Australian Natives' Association.[9][10]
Since early 2000, opposition has mounted to asylum seekers arriving in boats from Indonesia.[11]
Brazil[edit]
The Brazilian elite desired the racial whitening of the country, similarly to Argentina and Uruguay. The country encouraged European immigration, but non-white immigration always faced considerable backlash. On July 28, 1921, representatives Andrade Bezerra and Cincinato Braga proposed a law whose Article 1 provided: "The immigration of individuals from the black race to Brazil is prohibited." On October 22, 1923, representative Fidélis Reis produced another bill on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: "The entry of settlers from the black race into Brazil is prohibited. For Asian [immigrants] there will be allowed each year a number equal to 5% of those residing in the country.(...)".[12]
In the 19th and 20th centuries, there were negative feelings toward the communities of German, Italian, Japanese, and Jewish immigrants, who conserved their language and culture instead of adopting Portuguese and Brazilian habit (so that nowadays Brazil has the biggest communities in the Americas of speakers of German and Venetian), were seen as particularly tendentious to form ghettos, had high rates of endogamy (in Brazil, it is regarded as usual for people of different backgrounds to miscegenate), among other concerns.
It affected more harshly the Japanese, because they were Asian, and thus seen as an obstacle of the whitening of Brazil. Oliveira Viana, a Brazilian jurist, historian and sociologist described the Japanese immigrants as follows: "They (Japanese) are like sulfur: insoluble". The Brazilian magazine "O Malho" in its edition of December 5, 1908 issued a charge of Japanese immigrants with the following legend: "The government of São Paulo is stubborn. After the failure of the first Japanese immigration, it contracted 3,000 yellow people. It insists on giving Brazil a race diametrically opposite to ours".[13] In 1941, the Brazilian Minister of Justice, Francisco Campos, defended the ban on admission of 400 Japanese immigrants in São Paulo and wrote: "their despicable standard of living is a brutal competition with the country's worker; their selfishness, their bad faith, their refractory character, make them a huge ethnic and cultural cyst located in the richest regions of Brazil".[13]
Some years before World War II, the government of President Getúlio Vargas initiated a process of forced assimilation of people of immigrant origin in Brazil. The Constitution of 1934 had a legal provision about the subject: "The concentration of immigrants anywhere in the country is prohibited; the law should govern the selection, location and assimilation of the alien". The assimilationist project affected mainly German, Italian, Japanese and Jewish immigrants and their descendants.[14]
During World War II they were seen as more loyal to their countries of origin than to Brazil. In fact, there were violent revolts in the Japanese community of the states of São Paulo and Paraná when Emperor Hirohito declared that Japan surrendered and he was not a deity, which was thought as a conspiracy trying to hurt Japanese honor and strength. Nevertheless, it followed hostility from the government. The Japanese Brazilian community was strongly marked by restrictive measures when Brazil declared war against Japan in August 1942. Japanese Brazilians could not travel the country without safe conduct issued by the police; over 200 Japanese schools were closed and radio equipment was seized to prevent transmissions on short wave from Japan. The goods of Japanese companies were confiscated and several companies of Japanese origin had interventions, including the newly founded Banco América do Sul. Japanese Brazilians were prohibited from driving motor vehicles (even if they were taxi drivers), buses or trucks on their property. The drivers employed by Japanese had to have permission from the police. Thousands of Japanese immigrants were arrested or expelled from Brazil on suspicion of espionage. There were many anonymous denunciations because of "activities against national security" arising from disagreements between neighbours, recovery of debts and even fights between children.[13] Japanese Brazilians were arrested for "suspicious activity" when they were in artistic meetings or picnics. On July 10, 1943, approximately 10,000 Japanese and German immigrants who lived in Santos had 24 hours to close their homes and businesses and move away from the Brazilian coast. The police acted without any notice. About 90% of people displaced were Japanese. To reside in Baixada Santista, the Japanese had to have a safe conduct.[13] In 1942, the Japanese community who introduced the cultivation of pepper in Tomé-Açu, in Pará, was virtually turned into a "concentration camp" (expression of the time) from which no Japanese could leave. This time, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington, D.C., Carlos Martins Pereira e Sousa, encouraged the government of Brazil to transfer all the Japanese Brazilians to "internment camps" without the need for legal support, in the same manner as was done with the Japanese residents in the United States. No single suspicion of activities of Japanese against "national security" was confirmed.[13]
Nowadays, nativism in Brazil affects primarily migrants from elsewhere in the Third World, such as the new wave of Levantine Arabs (this time, mostly Muslim from Palestine instead of overwhelmingly Christian from Syria and Lebanon), South and East Asians (primarily Mainland Chinese), Spanish-speakers and Amerindians from neighboring South American countries and, especially, West Africans and Haitians. Following the 2010 Haiti earthquake and considerable illegal immigration to northern Brazil and São Paulo,[15] a subsequent debate in the population was concerned with the reasons why Brazil has such lax laws and enforcement concerning illegal immigration.
According to the 1988's Brazilian Constitution, it is an unbailable crime to address someone in an offensive racist way, and it is illegal to discriminate someone on the basis of his or her race, skin color, national or regional origin or nationality (for more, see anti-discrimination laws in Brazil), thus nativism and opposition to multiculturalism would be too much of a polemic and delicate topic to be openly discussed as a basic ideology of even the most right-leaning modern political parties.
Canada[edit]
Main article: Nationalism in Canada
Nativism was common in Canada (though the term originated in the U.S.). It took several forms. Hostility to the Chinese and other Asians was intense, and involved provincial laws that hindered immigration of Chinese and Japanese and blocked their economic mobility. In 1942 Japanese Canadians were forced into detention camps in response to Japanese aggression in World War II.[16]
Throughout the 19th century, well into the 20th, the Orange Order in Canada attacked and tried to politically defeat the Irish Catholics.[17] The Ku Klux Klan spread in the mid-1920s from the U.S. to parts of Canada, especially Saskatchewan, where it helped topple the Liberal government. The Klan creed was, historian Martin Robin argues, in the mainstream of Protestant Canadian sentiment, for it was based on "Protestantism, separation of Church and State, pure patriotism, restrictive and selective immigration, one national public school, one flag and one language—English."[18][9]
In World War I, Canadian naturalized citizens of German or Austrian origins were stripped of their right to vote, and tens of thousands of Ukrainians (who were born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire) were rounded up and put in internment camps.[19]
Hostility of native-born Canadians to competition from English immigrants in the early 20th century was expressed in signs that read, "No English Need Apply!" The resentment came because the immigrants identified more with England than with Canada.[20]
In the British Empire, traditions of anti-Catholicism in Britain led to fears that Catholics were a threat to the national (British) values. In Canada, the Orange Order (of Irish Protestants) campaigned vigorously against the Catholics throughout the 19th century, often with violent confrontations. Both sides were immigrants from Ireland and neither side claimed loyalty to Canada.[21] The Orange Order was much less influential in the U.S., especially after a major riot in New York City in 1871.[22]
Hong Kong[edit]
Further information: Localism in Hong Kong
Nativism in Hong Kong is often used as a synonymy with localism,[23] which strives for the autonomy of Hong Kong and resist China's authorities influence in the city. In addition to their strong anti-communist and pro-democracy tendency, It often holds a strong anti-mainland sentiments, especially the influx of the mainland tourists and immigrants, seeing them as a threat to Hong Kong identity and culture.
European countries[edit]
For the Poles in the mining districts of western Germany before 1914, it was nationalism (on both the German and the Polish sides), which kept Polish workers, who had established an associational structure approaching institutional completeness (churches, voluntary associations, press, even unions), separate from the host German society. Lucassen found that religiosity and nationalism were more fundamental in generating nativism and inter-group hostility than the labor antagonism.
Once Italian workers in France had understood the benefit of unionism and French unions were willing to overcome their fear of Italians as strikebreakers, integration was open for most Italian immigrants. The French state, which was always more of an immigration state than Prussia, Germany or Great Britain, fostered and supported family-based immigration and thus helped Italians on their immigration trajectory with minimal nativism.[24]
Many observers see the post-1950s wave of immigration in Europe was fundamentally different from the pre-1914 patterns. They debate the role of cultural differences, ghettos, race, Muslim fundamentalism, poor education and poverty play in creating nativism among the hosts and a caste-type underclass, more similar to white-black tensions in the US.[24] Algerian migration to France has generated nativism, characterized by the prominence of Jean-Marie Le Pen and his National Front.[24]
Pakistan[edit]
Further information: Sindhudesh
The Pakistani province of Sindh has seen nativist movements, promoting control for the Sindhi people over their homeland. After the 1947 Partition of India, large numbers of Muhajir people migrating from India entered the province, becoming a majority in the provincial capital city of Karachi, which formerly had an ethnically Sindhi majority. Sindhis have also voiced opposition to the promotion of Urdu, as opposed to their native tongue, Sindhi.
These nativist movements are expressed through Sindhi nationalism and the Sindhudesh separatist movement. Nativist and nationalist sentiments increased greatly after the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971.
Taiwan[edit]
Nativism flourished in Taiwan in the 1970s as a reaction against the influx of mainland Chinese to the island after the Kuomintang's defeat in 1949. Nativists felt that the political influence of mainland Chinese was disproportionately large. The term is especially found in the field of literature, where nativist literature was more traditionally minded than the modernist literature written largely by mainland Chinese.
United Kingdom[edit]
London was notorious for its xenophobia in the 16th century, and conditions worsened in the 1580s. Many immigrants became disillusioned by routine threats of violence and molestation, attempts at expulsion of foreigners, and the great difficulty in acquiring English citizenship. Dutch cities proved more hospitable, and many left London permanently.[25]
Regarding the Irish in 20th-century Great Britain, Lucassen[24] argues that the deep religious divide between the Protestants and Catholics was at the core of the ongoing estrangement of the Irish in British society.[citation needed]
United States[edit]
Early Republic[edit]
Nativism was a political factor in the 1790s and in the 1830s-1850s. There was little nativism in the colonial era, but for a while Benjamin Franklin was hostile to German Americans in colonial Pennsylvania; He called them "Palatine Boors." However, he reversed himself and became a supporter.[26]
Nativism became a major issue in the late 1790s, when the Federalist Party expressed its strong opposition to the French Revolution by trying to strictly limit immigration, and stretching the time to 14 years for citizenship. At the time of the Quasi-War with France in 1798, the Federalists and Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, including the Alien Act, the Naturalization Act and the Sedition Act. The movement was led by Alexander Hamilton, despite his own status as an immigrant from a small Island. Phillip Magness argues that “Hamilton’s political career might legitimately be characterized as a sustained drift into nationalistic xenophobia.”[27] Thomas Jefferson and James Madison fought by drafting the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. The two laws against aliens were motivated by fears of a growing Irish radical presence in Philadelphia, where they supported Jefferson.[28] However, they were not actually enforced.[29] President John Adams annoyed his fellow Federalists by making peace with France, and splitting his party in 1800. Jefferson was elected president, and reversed most of the hostile legislation.[30]
1830-1860[edit]
The term "nativism" was first used by 1844: "Thousands were Naturalized expressly to oppose Nativism, and voted the Polk ticket mainly to that end."[31]
Nativism gained its name from the "Native American" parties of the 1840s and 1850s. In this context "Native" does not mean indigenous Americans or American Indians but rather those descended from the inhabitants of the original Thirteen Colonies. It impacted politics in the mid-19th century because of the large inflows of immigrants after 1845 from cultures that were different from the existing American culture. Nativists objected primarily to Irish Roman Catholics because of their loyalty to the Pope and also because of their supposed rejection of republicanism as an American ideal.[32]
Nativist movements included the Know Nothing or American Party of the 1850s, the Immigration Restriction League of the 1890s, the anti-Asian movements in the West, resulting in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the "Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907" by which Japan's government stopped emigration to the United States. Labor unions were strong supporters of Chinese exclusion and limits on immigration, because of fears that they would lower wages and make it harder for workers to organize unions.[33]
Historian Eric Kaufmann has suggested that American nativism has been explained primarily in psychological and economic terms due to the neglect of a crucial cultural and ethnic dimension. Furthermore, Kauffman claims that American nativism cannot be understood without reference to an American ethnic group which took shape prior to the large-scale immigration of the mid-eighteenth century.[34]
Guardians of Liberty, 1943, by Bishop Alma White
Nativist outbursts occurred in the Northeast from the 1830s to the 1850s, primarily in response to a surge of Irish Catholic immigration. In 1836, Samuel Morse ran unsuccessfully for Mayor of New York City on a Nativist ticket, receiving 1,496 votes. In New York City, an Order of United Americans was founded as a nativist fraternity, following the Philadelphia Nativist Riots of the preceding spring and summer, in December, 1844.[35]
The Nativists went public in 1854 when they formed the 'American Party', which was especially hostile to the immigration of Irish Catholics and campaigned for laws to require longer wait time between immigration and naturalization. (The laws never passed.) It was at this time that the term "nativist" first appears, opponents denounced them as "bigoted nativists." Former President Millard Fillmore ran on the American Party ticket for the Presidency in 1856. The American Party also included many ex-Whigs who ignored nativism, and included (in the South) a few Catholics whose families had long lived in America. Conversely, much of the opposition to Catholics came from Protestant Irish immigrants and German Lutheran immigrants who were not native at all and can hardly be called "nativists."[36]
This form of nationalism is often identified with xenophobia and anti-Catholic sentiment (anti-Papism). In Charlestown, Massachusetts, a nativist mob attacked and burned down a Catholic convent in 1834 (no one was injured). In the 1840s, small scale riots between Catholics and nativists took place in several American cities. In Philadelphia in 1844, for example, a series of nativist assaults on Catholic churches and community centers resulted in the loss of lives and the professionalization of the police force. In Louisville, Kentucky, election-day rioters killed at least 22 people in attacks on German and Irish Catholics on Aug. 6, 1855, in what became known as "Bloody Monday."[37]
The new Republican Party kept its nativist element quiet during the 1860s, since immigrants were urgently needed for the Union Army. Immigrants from England, Scotland and Scandinavia favored the Republicans during the Third Party System, 1854-1896, while others were usually Democratic. Hostility toward Asians was very strong from the 1860s to the 1940s. Nativism experienced a revival in the 1890s, led by Protestant Irish immigrants hostile to Catholic immigration, especially the American Protective Association.[38]
Anti-German nativism[edit]
From the 1840s to 1920 German Americans were distrusted because of their separatist social structure, their German-language schools, their attachment to their native tongue over English, and their neutrality during World War I.
The Bennett Law caused a political uproar in Wisconsin in 1890, as the state government passed a law that threatened to close down hundreds of German-language elementary schools. Catholic and Lutheran Germans rallied to defeat Governor William D. Hoard. Hoard attacked German American culture and religion:
"We must fight alienism and selfish ecclesiasticism.... The parents, the pastors and the church have entered into a conspiracy to darken the understanding of the children, who are denied by cupidity and bigotry the privilege of even the free schools of the state."[39]
Hoard, a Republican, was defeated by the Democrats. A similar campaign in Illinois regarding the "Edwards Law" led to a Republican defeat there in 1890.[39]
In 1917–1918, a wave of nativist sentiment led to the suppression of German cultural activities in the United States, Canada and Australia. There was little violence, but many places and streets had their names changed (The city of "Berlin" in Ontario was renamed "Kitchener" after a British hero), churches switched to English for their services, and German Americans were forced to buy war bonds to show their patriotism.[40] In Australia thousands of Germans were put into internment camps.[41]
(See also: World War I Anti-German Sentiment)
Anti-Chinese nativism[edit]
In the 1870s in the western states Irish Americans targeted violence against Chinese workers, driving them out of smaller towns. Denis Kearney, an immigrant from Ireland, led a mass movement in San Francisco in the 1870s that incited attacks on the Chinese there and threatened public officials and railroad owners.[42] The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was the first of many nativist acts of Congress which attempted to limit the flow of immigrants into the U.S.. The Chinese responded to it by filing false claims of American birth, enabling thousands of them to immigrate to California.[43] The exclusion of the Chinese caused the western railroads to begin importing Mexican railroad workers in greater numbers ("traqueros").[44]
20th century[edit]
In the 1890s–1920s era nativists and labor unions campaigned for immigration restriction. A favorite plan was the literacy test to exclude workers who could not read or write their own foreign language. Congress passed literacy tests, but presidents—responding to business needs for workers—vetoed them.[45] Senator Henry Cabot Lodge argued need for literacy tests and its implication on the new immigrants:
It is found, in the first place, that the illiteracy test will bear most heavily upon the Italians, Russians, Poles, Hungarians, Greeks, and Asiatics, and lightly, or not at all, upon English-speaking emigrants, or Germans, Scandinavians, and French. In other words, the races most affected by the illiteracy test are those whose emigration to this country has begun within the last twenty years and swelled rapidly to enormous proportions, races with which the English speaking people have never hitherto assimilated, and who are most alien to the great body of the people of the United States.[46]
Responding to these demands, opponents of the literacy test called for the establishment of an immigration commission to focus on immigration as a whole. The United States Immigration Commission, also known as the Dillingham Commission, was created and tasked with studying immigration and its effect on the United States. The findings of the commission further influenced immigration policy and upheld the concerns of the nativist movement.[45]
Following World War I, nativists in the twenties focused their attention on Catholics, Jews, and south-eastern Europeans and realigned their beliefs behind racial and religious nativism.[47] The racial concern of the anti-immigration movement was linked closely to the eugenics movement that was sweeping the United States in the twenties. Led by Madison Grant's book, The Passing of the Great Race nativists grew more concerned with the racial purity of the United States. In his book, Grant argued that the American racial stock was being diluted by the influx of new immigrants from the Mediterranean, the Balkans, and the ghettos. The Passing of the Great Race reached wide popularity among Americans and influenced immigration policy in the twenties.[45] In the 1920s a wide national consensus sharply restricted the overall inflow of immigrants, especially those from southern and eastern Europe. The second Ku Klux Klan, which flourished in the U.S. in the 1920s, used strong nativist rhetoric, but the Catholics led a counterattack.[48]
After intense lobbying from the nativist movement the United States Congress passed the Emergency Quota Act in 1921. This bill was the first to place numerical quotas on immigration. It capped the inflow of immigrations to 357,803 for those arriving outside of the western hemisphere.[45] However, this bill was only temporary as Congress began debating a more permanent bill.
The Emergency Quota Act was followed with the Immigration Act of 1924, a more permanent resolution. This law reduced the number of immigrants able to arrive from 357,803, the number established in the Emergency Quota Act, to 164,687.[45] Though this bill did not fully restrict immigration, it considerably curbed the flow of immigration into the United States, especially from Southern and Eastern Europe. During the late twenties an average of 270,000 immigrants were allowed to arrive mainly because of the exemption of Canada and Latin American countries.[47]
Fear of low-skilled immigrants flooding the labor market was an issue in the 1920s (focused on immigrants from Italy and Poland), and in the first decade of the 21st century (focused on immigrants from Mexico and Central America).
An immigration reductionism movement formed in the 1970s and continues to the present day. Prominent members often press for massive, sometimes total, reductions in immigration levels.
American nativist sentiment experienced a resurgence in the late 20th century, this time directed at undocumented workers, largely Mexican resulting in the passage of new penalties against illegal immigration in 1996.
Most immigration reductionists see Illegal immigration, principally from across the United States–Mexico border, as the more pressing concern. Authors such as Samuel Huntington have also seen recent Hispanic immigration as creating a national identity crisis and presenting insurmountable problems for US social institutions.[49]
Noting the large-scale Mexican immigration in the Southwest, the Cold-war diplomat George F. Kennan in 2002 saw "unmistakable evidences of a growing differentiation between the cultures, respectively, of large southern and southwestern regions of this country, on the one hand", and those of "some northern regions". In the former, he warned:
the very culture of the bulk of the population of these regions will tend to be primarily Latin-American in nature rather than what is inherited from earlier American traditions ... Could it really be that there was so little of merit [in America] that it deserves to be recklessly trashed in favor of a polyglot mix-mash?"[50]
Mayers argues that Kennan represented the "tradition of militant nativism" that resembled or even exceeded the Know Nothings of the 1850s.[51] Mayers adds that Kennan also believed American women had too much power.
21st century[edit]
By late 2014, the "Tea Party movement" had turned its focus away from economic issues, spending, and Obamacare, and towards President Barack Obama's immigration policies, which it saw as threatening to transform American society. It planned to defeat leading Republicans who supported immigration programs, such as Senator John McCain. A typical slogan appeared in the Tea Party Tribune: “Amnesty for Millions, Tyranny for All.” The New York Times reported:
What started five years ago as a groundswell of conservatives committed to curtailing the reach of the federal government, cutting the deficit and countering the Wall Street wing of the Republican Party has become a movement largely against immigration overhaul. The politicians, intellectual leaders and activists who consider themselves part of the Tea Party have redirected their energy from fiscal austerity and small government to stopping any changes that would legitimize people who are here illegally, either through granting them citizenship or legal status.[52]
In his 2016 bid for presidency, Republican Presidential Candidate Donald Trump has been accused of introducing nativist themes for his controversial stances on temporarily banning foreign Muslims from entering the United States and erecting a substantial wall between the US-Mexico border to halt illegal immigration. Journalist John Cassidy wrote in The New Yorker Trump is transforming the GOP into a populist, nativist party:
Trump has been drawing on a base of alienated white working-class and middle-class voters, seeking to remake the G.O.P. into a more populist, nativist, avowedly protectionist, and semi-isolationist party that is skeptical of immigration, free trade, and military interventionism.[53]
Donald Brand, a professor of political science, argues:
Donald Trump’s nativism is a fundamental corruption of the founding principles of the Republican Party. Nativists champion the purported interests of American citizens over those of immigrants, justifying their hostility to immigrants by the use of derogatory stereotypes: Mexicans are rapists; Muslims are terrorists.[54]
Language[edit]
Sticker sold in Colorado
American nativists have promoted English and deprecated the use of German and Spanish. English Only proponents in the late 20th century proposed an English Language Amendment (ELA), a Constitutional Amendment making English the official language of the United States, but it received limited political support.[55]
See also[edit]
Alt-right
Bumiputera (Malaysia)
Criticism of multiculturalism
Cultural assimilation
Ethnic nepotism
History of immigration to the United States
Hyphenated American
Illegal immigration to the United States
Immigration reform
Immigration to the United States
Indigenism
Indigenous rights
Jus sanguinis
Korenizatsiya
Leitkultur
List of organizations designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center as hate groups
Localism (politics)
National conservatism
Rivers of Blood speech
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "the definition of nativism". Dictionary.com. Retrieved 2017-03-19.
Jump up ^ Max J. Castro (2004). "The Rise and Fall of the New Nativism: Economic Forces, Ethnic Politics and US Immigration Policy". In Han Entzinger; Marco Martiniello; Catherine Wihtol de Wenden. Migration Between States and Markets. Research in migration and ethnic relations series. Ashgate. pp. 19–27. ISBN 978-0-7546-4231-2.
Jump up ^ Dindar, Oezguer (2009). American Nativism and Its Representation in the Film "L. A. Crash". Munich, Germany: GRIN Verlag. p. 4.
Jump up ^ Fetzer, Joel S. (January 2000), "Economic self-interest or cultural marginality? Immigration restrictionist sentiment and nativist political movements in France, Germany and the USA", Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 26 (1), pp. 5–23
Jump up ^ D. Groenfeldt, "The future of indigenous values: cultural relativism in the face of economic development," Futures Volume 35, Issue 9, November 2003, pp. 917–29
Jump up ^ Anbinder, (2006); Barkan, (2003); Betz, (2007); Higham, (1955); Lucassen, (2005); Palmer, (1992); and Schrag, (2010)
Jump up ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-06-14. Retrieved 2007-05-11. CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link)
Jump up ^ After 1905, 4000 "Kanakas" were repatriated and the remaining 2500 were pushed out of the canefields by labour unions. Doug Munro, "The Labor Trade in Melanesians to Queensland: An Historiographic Essay," Journal of Social History, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Spring, 1995), pp. 609–27
^ Jump up to: a b Jensen, Richard (Spring 2009). "Comparative nativism: the United States, Canada and Australia, 1880s–1910s". Canadian Issues. Association for Canadian Studies: 45–55.
Jump up ^ Charles S. Blackton, "Australian Nationality and Nativism: The Australian Natives' Association, 1885–1901," Journal of Modern History, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Mar., 1958), pp. 37–46 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Dutter, Barbie; Spillius, Alex; Chapman, Paul (30 August 2001). "Boat people facing a wave of hatred". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 7 September 2013. ...it is these people – condemned as "queue-jumpers" by the public and politicians alike – who have pushed simmering resentment to boiling point.
Jump up ^ RIOS, Roger Raupp. Text excerpted from a judicial sentence concerning crime of racism. Federal Justice of 10ª Vara da Circunscrição Judiciária de Porto Alegre, November 16, 2001 (Accessed September 10, 2008)
^ Jump up to: a b c d e SUZUKI Jr, Matinas. História da discriminação brasileira contra os japoneses sai do limbo in Folha de S.Paulo, 20 de abril de 2008 (visitado em 17 de agosto de 2008)
Jump up ^ "Memória da Imigração Japonesa". scribd.com. Archived from the original on 10 May 2013. Retrieved 22 October 2017.
Jump up ^ (in Portuguese) Carta Maior – International News Section – Brazil, hope for Haitian illegal immigrants
Jump up ^ W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy toward Orientals in British Columbia (1978); Roger Daniels, Concentration Camps North America: Japanese in the United States and Canada During World War II (1993); Laviolette, Forrest E. (May 31, 1944). "Two years of Japanese evacuation in Canada". Far Eastern Survey. American Counci, Institute of Pacific Relations. 13 (11): 93–100. doi:10.2307/3023407. JSTOR 3023407.
Jump up ^ Cecil J. Houston and William J. Smyth, The Sash Canada Wore: A Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada (1980); McLaughlin, Robert (Fall–Winter 2006). "Irish Nationalism and Orange Unionism in Canada: A Reappraisal". Éire-Ireland. Project MUSE. 41 (3–4): 80–109. doi:10.1353/eir.2007.0009.
Jump up ^ Martin Robin, Shades of Right: Nativist and Fascist Politics in Canada, 1920–1940 (1991), quote on pp. 23–24. Robin p 86, notes the Klan in Canada was not violent.
Jump up ^ Frances Swyripa and John Herd Thompson, eds. Loyalties in Conflict: Ukrainians in Canada During the Great War (1983); and Bohdan Kordan, Enemy Aliens, Prisoners of War: Internment in Canada During the Great War (2002)
Jump up ^ Ross McCormack, "Cloth Caps and Jobs: The Ethnicity of English Immigrants in Canada, 1900–1914," in Jorgan Dahlie and Tissa Fernando, eds. Ethnicity, Power, and Politics in Canada (1981); Susan Jackel, A Flannel Shirt and Liberty: British Emigrant Gentlewomen in the Canadian West, 1880–1914 (1982) p. xx; Basil Stewart, "No English Need Apply": Or, Canada as a Field for the Emigrant (1909)
Jump up ^ Robert McLaughlin , "Irish Nationalism and Orange Unionism in Canada: A Reappraisal," Éire-Ireland 41.3&4 (2007) 80–109; Cecil J. Houston and William J. Smyth, The Sash Canada Wore: A Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada (1980)
Jump up ^ Michael Allen Gordon (1993). The Orange Riots: Irish Political Violence in New York City, 1870 and 1871. Cornell U.P. pp. 180–84. ISBN 0801427541.
Jump up ^ "Localism: Why is support for the political perspective growing – and who's behind it?". 1 July 2015. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2016-02-13.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Lucassen 2005
Jump up ^ Bich Luu Lien, "Taking the Bread Out of Our Mouths": Xenophobia in Early Modern London," Immigrants and Minorities, July 2000, Vol. 19 Issue 2, pp. 1–22
Jump up ^ John B. Frantz, "Franklin and the Pennsylvania Germans," Pennsylvania History, 65#1 (1998), 21–34 online
Jump up ^ Phillip Magness, "Alexander Hamilton as Immigrant Musical Mythology Meets Federalist Reality", The Independent Review 21#4 (2017) pp 497-508, quote on p 500.
Jump up ^ Douglas M. Bradburn, "'True Americans' and 'Hordes of Foreigners': Nationalism, Ethnicity and the Problem of Citizenship in the United States, 1789-1800." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques (2003): 19-41. online
Jump up ^ James Morton Smith,"The Enforcement of the Alien Friends Act of 1798." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 41.1 (1954): 85-104. online
Jump up ^ Douglas Bradburn, "A clamor in the public mind: Opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts." William and Mary Quarterly 65.3 (2008): 565-600. online
Jump up ^ Oxford English Dictionary (under "Nativism"), citing Whig Almanac 1845 4/2.
Jump up ^ Ray A. Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (1938)
Jump up ^ Tyler Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery: The Northern Know Nothings and the politics of the 1850s (1992).
Jump up ^ "Kaufmann, EP, 'American Exceptionalism Reconsidered: Anglo-Saxon Ethnogenesis in the "Universal" Nation, 1776–1850,' Journal of American Studies, 33 (1999), 3, pp. 437–57".
Jump up ^ Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860
Jump up ^ Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery: The Northern Know Nothings and the politics of the 1850s
Jump up ^ Smith, Peter. "Recalling Bloody Monday; Events to mark 1855 anti-immigrant riots in city," The Courier-Journal, Louisville, Ky. (July 30, 2005); Crews, Clyde: An American Holy Land: A History of the Archdiocese of Louisville (1990).
Jump up ^ Donald L. Kinzer, Episode in Anti-Catholicism: The American Protective Association (1964)
^ Jump up to: a b Quoted on p. 388 of William Foote Whyte, "The Bennett Law Campaign in Wisconsin," Wisconsin Magazine Of History, 10: 4 (1926–1927), p. 388
Jump up ^ Frederick C. Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War I (1974); Terrence G. Wiley, "The Imposition of World War I Era English-Only Policies and the Fate of German in North America," in Barbara Burnaby and Thomas K. Ricento, eds. Language and Politics in the United States and Canada: Myths and Realities (1998); Russell A. Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of German-American Identity (2004)
Jump up ^ Stuart Macintyre, The Oxford History of Australia: vol. 4, The Succeeding Age, 1901–1942 (1993), pp. 153–55; Jurgen Tampke, The Germans in Australia (2007) pp. 120–24.
Jump up ^ John Soennichsen (2011). The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. ABC-CLIO. pp. 51–57. ISBN 9780313379475.
Jump up ^ Erika Lee, At America's Gates: Chinese Immigration during the Exclusion Era, 1882–1943 (2003)
Jump up ^ Jeffrey Marcos Garcilazo, `Traqueros': Mexican Railroad Workers in the United States, 1870 to 1930. PhD U. of California, Santa Barbara 1995. 374 pp. DAI 1996 56(8): 3277–78-A. DA9542027 Fulltext: online at ProQuest Dissertations & Theses
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Pula, James (Spring 1980). "American Immigration Policy and the Dillingham Commission". Polish American Studies. 37 (1): 5–31. JSTOR 20148034.
Jump up ^ Lodge, Henry Cabot. "The Restriction Immigration" (PDF). University of Wisconsin–Madison. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 March 2012. Retrieved 3 December 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Higham, John (1963). Strangers in the Land. Atheneum. p. 324.
Jump up ^ Todd Tucker, Notre Dame Vs. the Klan: How the Fighting Irish Defeated the Ku Klux Klan (2004)
Jump up ^ Huntington, Clash of Civilizations (1997)
Jump up ^ Bill Kauffman, Free Vermont, The American Conservative December 19, 2005.
Jump up ^ David Mayers, George Kennan and the Dilemmas of US Foreign Policy (1990) ch 3
Jump up ^ Jeremy W. Peters, "Obama’s Immigration Action Reinvigorates Tea Party," New York Times Nov 25, 2014
Jump up ^ John Cassidy , "Donald Trump Is Transforming the G.O.P. into a Populist, Nativist Party. The New Yorker Feb. 29, 2016
Jump up ^ Donald Brand, "How Donald Trump’s Nativism Ruined the GOP" Fortune June 21, 2016
Jump up ^ Brandon Simpson, The American Language: The Case Against the English-only Movement (2009)
Further reading[edit]
Alexseev, Mikhail A. Immigration Phobia and the Security Dilemma: Russia, Europe, and the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2005). 294 pp.
Art, David. Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe (Cambridge University Press; 2011) 288 pp. – examines anti-immigration activists and political candidates in 11 countries.
Betz, Hans-Georg. "Against the 'Green Totalitarianism': Anti-Islamic Nativism in Contemporary Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe," in Christina Schori Liang, ed. Europe for the Europeans (2007)
Ceuppens, Bambi. "Allochthons, Colonizers, and Scroungers: Exclusionary Populism in Belgium," African Studies Review, Volume 49, Number 2, September 2006, pp. 147–86 doi:10.1353/arw.2006.0102 "Allochthons" means giving welfare benefits only to those groups that are considered to "truly belong"
Chinn, Jeff, and Robert Kaiser, eds. Russians as the New Minority: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Soviet Successor States (1996)
Franchot, Jenny. Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (1994)
Finzsch, Norbert, and Dietmar Schirmer, eds. Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism, and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States (2002)
Groenfeldt, D. "The future of indigenous values: cultural relativism in the face of economic development", Futures, 35#9 (2003), pp. 917–29
Jensen, Richard. "Comparative Nativism: The United States, Canada and Australia, 1880s–1910s," Canadian Journal for Social Research (2010) vol 3#1 pp. 45–55
Lucassen, Leo. The Immigrant Threat: The Integration of Old and New Migrants in Western Europe since 1850. University of Illinois Press, 2005. 280 pp; ISBN 0-252-07294-4. Examines Irish immigrants in Britain, Polish immigrants in Germany, Italian immigrants in France (before 1940), and (since 1950), Caribbeans in Britain, Turks in Germany, and Algerians in France
Liang, Christina Schori, ed. Europe for the Europeans (2007)
McNally, Mark. Proving the way: conflict and practice in the history of Japanese nativism (2005)
Mamdani, M. When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism and the Genocide in Rwanda (2001)
Rose, Richard. "The End of Consensus in Austria and Switzerland," Journal of Democracy, Volume 11, Number 2, April 2000, pp. 26–40
Wertheimer, Jack. Unwelcome Strangers: East European Jews in Imperial Germany (1991)
United States[edit]
Allerfeldt, Kristofer. Race, Radicalism, Religion, and Restriction: Immigration in the Pacific Northwest, 1890–1924. Praeger, 2003. 235 pp.
Anbinder, Tyler. "Nativism and prejudice against immigrants," in A companion to American immigration, ed. by Reed Ueda (2006) pp. 177–201 online excerpt
Barkan, Elliott R. "Return of the Nativists? California Public Opinion and Immigration in the 1980s and 1990s." Social Science History 2003 27(2): 229–83. ISSN 0145-5532 in Project MUSE
Billington, Ray Allen. The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (1964) online
Hamilton, Jeanne. "The Nunnery as Menace: The Burning of the Charlestown Convent, 1834," U.S. Catholic Historian (1996) 14#1 pp. 35–65
Higham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (1955), the standard scholarly history
Hueston, Robert Francis. The Catholic Press and Nativism, 1840–1860 (1976)
Hughey, Matthew W. 'Show Me Your Papers! Obama’s Birth and the Whiteness of Belonging.' Qualitative Sociology 35(2): 163–81 (2012)
Kaufmann, Eric. American Exceptionalism Reconsidered: Anglo-Saxon Ethnogenesis in the 'Universal' Nation, 1776–1850, Journal of American Studies, 33 (1999), 3, pp. 437–57.
Leonard, Ira M. and Robert D. Parmet. American Nativism 1830–1860 (1971)
Luebke, Frederick C. Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War I (1974)
Oxx, Katie. The Nativist Movement in America: Religious Conflict in the 19th Century (2013)
Schrag Peter. Not Fit For Our Society: Immigration and Nativism in America (University of California Press; 2010) 256 pp. online
Canada[edit]
Houston, Cecil J. and Smyth, William J. The Sash Canada Wore: A Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada. U. of Toronto Press, 1980.
McLaughlin, Robert. "Irish Nationalism and Orange Unionism in Canada: A Reappraisal," Éire-Ireland 41.3&4 (2007) 80–109
Mclean, Lorna. "'To Become Part of Us': Ethnicity, Race, Literacy and the Canadian Immigration Act of 1919". Canadian Ethnic Studies 2004 36(2): 1–28. ISSN 0008-3496
Miller, J. R. Equal Rights: The Jesuits’ Estates Act Controversy (1979). in late 19c Canada
Palmer, Howard. Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in Alberta (1992)
Robin, Martion. Shades of Right: Nativist and Fascist Politics in Canada, 1920–1940 (University of Toronto Press, 1992);
See, S.W. Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social Violence in the 1840s (Univ of Toronto Press, 1993).
Ward, W. Peter. White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy toward Orientals in British Columbia (1978)
External links[edit]
Dennis Kearney
Henry A. Rhodes, "Nativist and Racist Movements in the U.S. and their Aftermath"
Dennis Kearney, President, and H. L. Knight, Secretary, "Appeal from California. The Chinese Invasion. Workingmen’s Address," Indianapolis Times, 28 February 1878.
"A Nation or Notion", by Patrick J. Buchanan, op-ed, Oct. 4, 2006. A conservative defense of nativism.
PoliticosLatinos.com Videos of 2008 US Presidential Election Candidates' Positions regarding Immigration
"Anti-Immigration Groups and the Masks of False Diversity". False Diversity in Anti-Immigration organizations.
A Defense of Nativism, Conservative Heritage Times.
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