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Right-to-work law
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This article is about the U.S. laws prohibiting mandated union membership and dues. For the human right concept, see right to work. For the Indian law, see National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.
"Right-to-work laws" are statutes in 28 U.S. states that prohibit union security agreements between companies and workers' unions. Under these laws, employees in unionized workplaces are banned from negotiating contracts which require all members who benefit from the union contract to contribute to the costs of union representation.[1]
According to the Legal Defense Foundation, right-to-work laws prohibit union security agreements, or agreements between employers and labor unions, that govern the extent to which an established union can require employees' membership, payment of union dues, or fees as a condition of employment, either before or after hiring. Right-to-work laws do not aim to provide general guarantee of employment to people seeking work, but rather are a government ban on contractual agreements between employers and union employees requiring workers to pay for the costs of union representation. [2]
Unions are already governed by regulations and laws, including public policy on labor-management relations. Typically, unions are organized by industry (e.g., healthcare, restaurant, steel workers, teachers, state government- professional, non-professional), and they are required to be voted in by employees. Union employees can vote to keep or get rid of their union through a decertification vote, and regularly negotiate and vote on their working conditions protected by a legally enforceable contract. Union workers in states without right-to-work restrictions can choose whether to require all employees benefiting from the contract to contribute.
Right-to-work provisions (either by law or by constitutional provision) exist in 28 U.S. states, mostly in the southern and western United States, but also including the Midwestern states of Michigan,[3] Indiana,[4] and Wisconsin.[5] Business interests represented by the United States Chamber of Commerce have lobbied extensively to pass right-to-work legislation.[6][7] Such laws are allowed under the 1947 federal Taft–Hartley Act. A further distinction is often made within the law between people employed by state and municipal governments and those employed by the private sector, with states that are otherwise union shop (i.e., workers must pay for union representation in order to obtain or retain a job) having right to work laws in effect for government employees; provided, however, that the law also permits an "agency shop" where employees pay their share for representation (less than union dues), while not joining the union as members.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Origins
1.2 Wagner Act (1935)
1.3 Taft–Hartley Act (1947)
1.4 Current status
2 Arguments
2.1 Minority rights and due process
2.2 Freedom of association
2.3 Unfairness
2.4 Political contributions
2.5 Cost of Living
2.6 Free riders
2.7 Freedom of contract and association
2.8 Corporate interests
3 Studies of economic effect
4 Polling
5 U.S. states with right-to-work laws
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
8.1 Opposed to right-to-work laws
8.2 Supported right-to-work laws
History[edit]
Origins[edit]
According to Slate, "right-to-work" laws are derived from legislation forbidding unions from forcing strikes on workers, as well as from legal principles such as "liberty of contract," which as applied here sought to prevent passage of laws regulating workplace conditions.[8]
According to PandoDaily and NSFWCORP, the term itself was coined by Vance Muse, a Republican operative who headed an early "right-to-work" group, the "Christian American Association", to replace the term "American Plan" after it became associated with the anti-union violence of the First Red Scare.[9][10] Muse used racist rhetoric in his defense of "right-to-work" laws.[9][10]
According to the Conservative think tank, the American Enterprise Institute, the term "right to work" was coined by Dallas Morning News editorial writer William Ruggles.[11]
(An unrelated use of term "right to work" had been coined by French socialist leader Louis Blanc before 1848.[12])
Wagner Act (1935)[edit]
The National Labor Relations Act, generally known as the Wagner Act, was passed in 1935 as part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Second New Deal." Among other things, the Act provided that a company could lawfully agree to be any of the following:
A closed shop, in which employees must be members of the union as a condition of employment. Under a closed shop, an employee who ceased being a member of the union for whatever reason, from failure to pay dues to expulsion from the union as an internal disciplinary punishment, was required to be fired even if the employee did not violate any of the employer's rules.
A union shop, which allows for hiring non-union employees, provided that the employees then join the union within a certain period.
An agency shop, in which employees must pay the equivalent of the cost of union representation, but need not formally join the union.
An open shop, in which an employee cannot be compelled to join or pay the equivalent of dues to a union or be fired for joining the union.[13]
The Act tasked the National Labor Relations Board, which had existed since 1933, with overseeing the rules.
Taft–Hartley Act (1947)[edit]
In 1947 Congress passed the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, generally known as the Taft–Hartley Act, over President Harry S. Truman's veto. The Act repealed some parts of the Wagner Act, including outlawing the closed shop. Section 14(b) of the Taft–Hartley Act also authorizes individual states (but not local governments, such as cities or counties) to outlaw the union shop and agency shop for employees working in their jurisdictions. Any state law that outlaws such arrangements is known as a "right-to-work state."
In the early development of the right-to-work policy, segregationist sentiment was used as an argument, as many people in the South felt that it was wrong for blacks and whites to belong to the same unions. Vance Muse, one of the early developers of the policy in Texas, used that argument in the development of anti-union laws in Texas in the 1940s.[14]
Current status[edit]
The federal government operates under open shop rules nationwide, but many of its employees are represented by unions. Unions that represent professional athletes have written contracts that include particular representation provisions (such as in the National Football League),[15] but their application is limited to "wherever and whenever legal," as the Supreme Court has clearly held that the application of a right-to-work law is determined by the employee's "predominant job situs."[16] Players on professional sports teams in states with right-to-work laws are thus subject to those laws and cannot be required to pay any portion of union dues as a condition of continued employment.[17]
Twenty-two states, as well as the District of Columbia, do not have right-to-work laws. Missouri's is on hold after a petition called for a statewide vote on the issue.
On November 18, 2016, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the right of local governments to enact local right-to-work laws in Kentucky, Ohio, and the other states of its jurisdiction.[18]
Arguments[edit]
Minority rights and due process[edit]
The first arguments concerning the right to work centered around the rights of a dissenting minority with respect to an opposing majoritarian collective bargain. President Franklin Roosevelt's "New Deal" had prompted many U.S. Supreme Court challenges, among which were challenges regarding the constitutionality of the National Industry Recovery Act of 1933 (NIRA). In 1936, as a part of its ruling in Carter v. Carter Coal Co. the Court ruled against mandatory collective bargaining, stating:
The effect, in respect to wages and hours, is to subject the dissentient minority ... to the will of the stated majority .... To ‘accept’ in these circumstances, is not to exercise a choice, but to surrender to force. The power conferred upon the majority is, in effect, the power to regulate the affairs of an unwilling minority. This is legislative delegation in its most obnoxious form; for it is not even delegation to an official or an official body ... but to private persons .... [A] statute which attempts to confer such power undertakes an intolerable and unconstitutional interference with personal liberty and private property. The delegation is so clearly arbitrary, and so clearly a denial of rights safeguarded by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, that it is unnecessary to do more than refer to decisions of this Court which foreclose the question.[19]
Freedom of association[edit]
Besides the U.S. Supreme Court, other proponents of right-to-work laws also point to the Constitution and the right to freedom of association. They argue that workers should both be free to join unions or to refrain, and thus, sometimes refer to non-right-to-work states as "forced unionism" states. These proponents argue that by being forced into a collective bargain, what the majoritarian unions call a fair share of collective bargaining costs is actually "financial coercion and a violation of freedom of choice." An opponent to the union bargain is forced to "financially support an organization they did not vote for, in order to receive monopoly representation they have no choice over."[20]
The Seventh-Day Adventist Church discourages the joining of unions,[21] citing the writings of Ellen White, one of the church's founders, and what writer Diana Justice calls the "Loss of free will" that occurs when a person joins a labor union.
Unfairness[edit]
Proponents such as the Mackinac Center for Public Policy contend that it is unfair that unions can require new and existing employees to either join the union or pay fees for collective bargaining expenses as a condition of employment under union security agreement contracts.[22] Other proponents contend that unions may still be needed in new and growing sectors of the economy, for example, the voluntary and third party sectors, to assure adequate benefits for new immigrant, "part-time" aides in America (e.g., US Direct Support Workforce).
Political contributions[edit]
Right-to-work proponents, including the Center for Union Facts, contend that political contributions made by unions are not representative of the union workers.[23] The agency shop portion of this had previously been contested with support of National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation in Communications Workers of America v. Beck, resulting in "Beck rights" preventing agency fees from being used for expenses outside of collective bargaining if the non-union worker notifies the union of their objection.[24]
Cost of Living[edit]
States enforcing union security provisions in union collective bargaining agreements generally have a higher cost of living,[25] [26] however, no systematic analysis identifies union security agreements as a significant cause of this variance.
Free riders[edit]
Opponents such as Richard Kahlenberg have argued that right-to-work laws simply "gives employees the right to be free riders—to benefit from collective bargaining without paying for it".[27][28][6][29] Under labor laws in the United States, the union as the exclusive collective bargaining agent has a duty of fair representation for all persons in the bargaining unit, including those who choose not to be members and pay dues, and in Abood v. Detroit BoE, the Supreme Court of the United States permitted unions to charge non-members agency fees so that employees in the public sector could be required to pay for the costs of representation, even as they opted not to be a member, as long as these fees are not spent on the union's political or ideological agenda. The right to challenge the fees must include the right to have it heard by an impartial fact finder.[30]
Freedom of contract and association[edit]
Opponents argue that right-to-work laws restrict freedom of association, and limit the sorts of agreements individuals acting collectively can make with their employer, by prohibiting workers and employers from agreeing to contracts that include "fair share fees". Moreover, American law imposes a duty of fair representation on unions; consequently non-members in right to work states can and do force unions to provide without compensation grievance services that are paid for by union members.[31] Hence right-to-work laws are not neutral, but rather impose an active and artificial burden on labor unions.
In December 2012, libertarian writer J.D. Tuccille, in Reason magazine, wrote:
I consider the restrictions right-to-work laws impose on bargaining between unions and businesses to violate freedom of contract and association. ... I'm disappointed that the state has, once again, inserted itself into the marketplace to place its thumb on the scale in the never-ending game of playing business and labor off against one another. ... This is not to say that unions are always good. It means that, when the state isn't involved, they're private organizations that can offer value to their members.[32]
Corporate interests[edit]
Critics from organized labor have pointed out since the late 1970s[33] that while the National Right to Work Committee purports to engage in grass-roots lobbying on behalf of the "little guy", the National Right to Work Committee was formed by a group of southern businessmen with the express purpose of fighting unions, and that they "added a few workers for the purpose of public relations".[34]
The unions also contend that the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation and National Right to Work Committee have received millions of dollars in grants from foundations controlled by major U.S. industrialists like the New York-based Olin Foundation, Inc., which grew out of a family manufacturing business, but now funds primarily conservative think tanks, media outlets, and university law programs.[34][35]
Kahlenberg and Marvit also argue that, at least in efforts to pass a right-to-work law in Michigan, excluding police and firefighter unions—traditionally less hostile to Republicans—from the law caused some to question claims that the law was simply an effort to improve Michigan's businesses climate, not to seek partisan advantage.[27]
Corporate interests have now involved the growing non-profit and voluntary sectors of the economy which "achieved parity in wages and benefits" to the state, unionized workforces, while not assuring provisions such as adverse hearings which benefit employees.
Studies of economic effect[edit]
According to Tim Bartik of the W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, studies of the effect of right-to-work laws "abound," but are not "consistent." Studies have found both "some positive effect on job growth," and no effect.[36] Thomas Holmes argues that it is difficult to analyze right-to-work laws by comparing states due to other similarities between states that have passed these laws. For instance, right-to-work states often have some strong pro-business policies, making it difficult to isolate the effect of right-to-work laws.[37] Looking at the growth of states in the Southeast following World War II, Bartik notes that while they have right-to-work laws they have also benefited from "factors like the widespread use of air conditioning and different modes of transportation that helped decentralize manufacturing".[38]
Economist Thomas Holmes compared counties close to the border between states with and without right-to-work laws (thereby holding constant an array of factors related to geography and climate). He found that the cumulative growth of employment in manufacturing in the right-to-work states was 26 percentage points greater than that in the non-right-to-work states.[39] However, given the study design, Holmes points out "my results do not say that it is right-to-work laws that matter, but rather that the 'probusiness package' offered by right-to-work states seems to matter."[40] Moreover, as noted by Kevin Drum and others, this result may reflect business relocation rather than an overall enhancement of economic growth, since "businesses prefer locating in states where costs are low and rules are lax."[41]
A February 2011 study by the Economic Policy Institute found:[28]
Wages in right-to-work states are 3.2% lower than those in non-RTW states, after controlling for a full complement of individual demographic and socioeconomic variables as well as state macroeconomic indicators. Using the average wage in non-RTW states as the base ($22.11), the average full-time, full-year worker in an RTW state makes about $1,500 less annually than a similar worker in a non-RTW state. The study goes on to say "How much of this difference can be attributed to RTW status itself? There is an inherent “endogeneity” problem in any attempt to answer that question, namely that RTW and non-RTW states differ on a wide variety of measures that are also related to compensation, making it difficult to isolate the impact of RTW status."[28]
The rate of employer-sponsored health insurance (ESI) is 2.6 percentage points lower in RTW states compared with non-RTW states, after controlling for individual, job, and state-level characteristics. If workers in non-RTW states were to receive ESI at this lower rate, 2 million fewer workers nationally would be covered.
The rate of employer-sponsored pensions is 4.8 percentage points lower in RTW states, using the full complement of control variables in [the study's] regression model. If workers in non-RTW states were to receive pensions at this lower rate, 3.8 million fewer workers nationally would have pensions.
A 2008 editorial in The Wall Street Journal comparing job growth in Ohio and Texas stated that from 1998 to 2008, Ohio lost 10,400 jobs, while Texas gained 1,615,000. The opinion piece suggested right-to-work laws might be among the reasons for the economic expansion in Texas, along with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the absence of a state income tax in Texas.[42] Another Wall Street Journal editorial in 2012, by the president and the labor policy director of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, reported 71% employment growth in right-to-work states from 1980 to 2011, while employment in non-right-to-work states grew just 32% during the same period.[43] The 2012 editorial also stated that since 2001, compensation in right-to-work states had increased 4 times faster than in other states.[43]
Polling[edit]
In January 2012, in the immediate aftermath of passage of Indiana's right-to-work law, Rasmussen Reports found that 74% of likely U.S. voters supported right-to-work laws, but "most also don’t think a non-union worker should enjoy benefits negotiated by the union."[44]
In Michigan in January through March 2013, a poll found that 43 percent of those polled thought the law would help Michigan's economy, while 41 percent thought it would hurt.[45]
U.S. states with right-to-work laws[edit]
Right-to-work states shown in turquoise.
The following states (28) are right-to-work states:
Alabama (adopted 1953, Constitution 2016)
Arizona (Constitution, State Constitution Article 25 approved 1946)[46] (adopted 1944)
Arkansas (Constitution, 1947, Amendment 34)
Florida (Constitution, 1944, revised 1968, Article 1, Section 6)[47]
Georgia (adopted 1947)
Idaho (adopted 1985)
Indiana[4] (State law, 2012)
Iowa (adopted 1947)
Kansas (Constitution, 1958, Article 15, Section 12)
Kentucky (adopted 2017)
Louisiana (adopted 1976)
Michigan (State law, 2012)[3]
Mississippi (Constitution, adopted 1954)
Missouri (adopted 2017) (Postponed by petition to 2018 for citizen voting)
Nebraska (Constitution and statute, adopted 1946)
Nevada (adopted 1951)
North Carolina (adopted 1947)
North Dakota (adopted 1947)
Oklahoma (Constitution, adopted 2001)
South Carolina[48] (adopted 1954)
South Dakota (adopted 1946)
Tennessee (adopted 1947)
Texas[49] (adopted 1947, revised 1993)
Utah (adopted 1955)
Virginia (adopted 1947)
West Virginia (adopted 2016) (Went into effect September 2017 due to lower court injunctions)
Wisconsin (adopted 2015)
Wyoming (adopted 1963)
In addition, the territory of Guam also has right-to-work laws, and employees of the US Federal Government have the right to choose whether or not to join their respective unions.[50]
New Hampshire adopted a right-to-work bill in 1947, but it was repealed in 1949 by the state legislature and governor.[51]
See also[edit]
At-will employment
Closed shop/open shop
United States labor law
References[edit]
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External links[edit]
Find more aboutRight-to-work lawat Wikipedia's sister projects
Definitions from Wiktionary
Opposed to right-to-work laws[edit]
Wisconsin Contractor Coalition
Supported right-to-work laws[edit]
Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce
Michigan Chamber of Commerce
National Right to Work Committee
National Right to Work Legal Defense Fund
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The Odd Life of Timothy Green
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Odd Life of Timothy Green
Theatrical film poster
Directed by
Peter Hedges
Produced by
Scott Sanders
James Whitaker
Ahmet Zappa
Screenplay by
Peter Hedges
Story by
Ahmet Zappa
Starring
Jennifer Garner
Joel Edgerton
Odeya Rush
Dianne Wiest
CJ Adams
Rosemarie DeWitt
Ron Livingston
David Morse
Common
Music by
Geoff Zanelli
Cinematography
John Toll
Edited by
Andrew Mondshein
Production
company
Walt Disney Pictures
Scott Sanders Productions
Distributed by
Walt Disney Studios
Motion Pictures
Release date
August 15, 2012 (2012-08-15)
Running time
104 minutes[1]
Country
United States
Language
English
Budget
$25 million[2][3]
Box office
$56 million[4]
The Odd Life of Timothy Green is a 2012 American fantasy comedy-drama film starring Jennifer Garner, Joel Edgerton, Dianne Wiest, CJ Adams, Rosemarie DeWitt, Ron Livingston, David Morse and Common, written and directed by Peter Hedges and produced by Walt Disney Pictures. Based on a concept by Ahmet Zappa, the film is about a magical pre-adolescent boy whose personality and naïveté have profound effects on the people in his town.[5][6] The film was released theatrically on August 15, 2012. It received mixed reviews from critics, earned $55.3 million on a $25 million budget and had modest ticket sales in its debut weekend. CJ Adams's performance won him a Young Artist Award for Best Performance in a Feature Film, while Odeya Rush's performance was nominated for the same award. The Odd Life of Timothy Green was released by Walt Disney Studios Home Entertainment on Blu-ray and DVD on December 4, 2012.
Contents
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Soundtrack
4.1 Track listing
5 Reception
5.1 Critical response
5.2 Box office
5.3 Home media
5.4 Accolades
6 References
7 External links
Plot[edit]
The film is told from the perspective of Cindy (Jennifer Garner) and Jim Green (Joel Edgerton), as they explain their experience with Timothy (CJ Adams) in an effort to persuade an adoption agency to allow the couple to adopt a child.
Cindy, who works in the town's local museum, and Jim, who is employed at the town's historic pencil factory, reside in the drought-stricken town of Stanleyville, North Carolina,[citation needed] self-labeled as "the pencil capital of the world". The Greens are informed by doctors that they are unable to conceive. Distraught by the news, Jim convinces Cindy to dream up their ideal child and write the child's characteristics and life events on slips of notepad paper.
The couple place the notes inside a wooden box and bury it in their backyard garden. After an immediate thunderstorm, which seemingly affects only their property, a ten-year-old arrives at their home claiming the Greens as his parents. After finding the box they buried smashed to pieces around a large hole in the ground where they originally buried it, and finding the boy inside their house, covered in mud, they realize that the boy, named Timothy, is actually a culmination of all their wishes of what their child would be. The Greens also discover that Timothy has a startling feature: he has leaves growing on his legs, which he can only cover up by wearing long tube socks.
The next day, at a family picnic, Timothy is introduced to members of his family: Brenda Best (Rosemarie DeWitt), Cindy's pompous sister; James Green Sr. (David Morse), Jim's estranged father; and Mel (Lois Smith) and Bub (M. Emmet Walsh), Cindy's paternal aunt and uncle. The parents take Timothy to their friend and town botanist, Reggie (Lin-Manuel Miranda), where they learn that Timothy's leaves cannot be removed.
Timothy begins to attend school, where he meets Joni Jerome (Odeya Rush), a girl he encounters during a bullying incident, with whom he begins a friendly relationship. Meanwhile, the town's pencil factory, the largest employer in Stanleyville, begins laying off its employees. Timothy convinces Cindy and Jim to design a prototype for a new pencil in an effort to keep the pencil-producing business viable.
Unbeknownst to the parents, one of Timothy's leaves falls off each time he fulfills one of the qualities listed on the original slips of paper. Timothy eventually reveals to Cindy and Jim that his time of existence is short and that he will eventually disappear. During another intense thunderstorm, he vanishes from their house.
The Greens' meeting with the adoption counselor concludes with Cindy presenting a letter that Timothy left them before leaving. In the letter, he explains to them what he did with each of his leaves that fell off, with a montage sequence showing each person whose life Timothy touched. After an unspecified amount of time, the adoption counselor is shown pulling up to the Greens' house in a car with the little girl who is to become the Greens' daughter, Lily.
Cast[edit]
CJ Adams as Timothy Green.[6] Adams was chosen to be cast in the titular role after working with Hedges in Dan in Real Life.[7]
Jennifer Garner as Cindy Green,[6] James's wife that works at the Stanleyville local museum.
Joel Edgerton as James Green,[2] Cindy's husband that works in the pencil factory.
Odeya Rush as Joni Jerome, Timothy's crush who has a big birthmark above her chest that she's embarrassed about. She is the one who urges Timothy on because he wants to make her happy.
David Morse as James "Big Jim" Green Sr.
Rosemarie DeWitt as Brenda Best, Cindy's sister who brags about her own kids.
Ron Livingston as Franklin Crudstaff, Jim's boss.
Dianne Wiest as Bernice Crudstaff, Cindy's boss.
Common as Coach Cal
Shohreh Aghdashloo as Evette Onat
M. Emmet Walsh as Uncle Bub
Lois Smith as Aunt Mel
Tim Guinee as Marty Rader (voice)
Lin-Manuel Miranda as Reggie
James Rebhorn as Joseph Crudstaff
Michael Arden as Doug Wert
Rhoda Griffis as Dr. Lesley Hunt
DeShon Fanaka as Factory Worker (uncredited)
Dalton Morris as Banquet Hall Patron (uncredited)
Production[edit]
In June 2009, Peter Hedges was signed to write and direct the film, which stemmed from an idea brought about by Ahmet Zappa[8][9] through his production company Monsterfoot Productions.[1] The film is one of the first films produced by Scott Sanders Productions after a deal with the Walt Disney Studios was made in 2007.[1][10]
Soundtrack[edit]
The Odd Life of Timothy Green: Original Soundtrack
Soundtrack album by Geoff Zanelli
Released
August 14, 2012 (2012-08-14)
Recorded
2012
Genre
Film score
Length
45:00
Label
Walt Disney
Walt Disney Records released Geoff Zanelli's score from the soundtrack on August 14, 2012, the day before the film's release.[11][12]
Track listing[edit]
No.
Title
Length
1. "You're Gonna Find It Hard to Believe" 1:22
2. "Life Goes On" 3:18
3. "That's Not Normal" 4:23
4. "Our Kid" 1:19
5. "...Now What?" 2:25
6. "Is He for Us?" 1:31
7. "Cherry on Top" 0:56
8. "I Can Only Get Better! (A Glass Half Full Person)" 1:17
9. "Love and Be Loved" 2:43
10. "There's Something You Need to See" 1:46
11. "Funny, Like Uncle Bob" 2:06
12. "Why Not Make a New Kind of Pencil?" 2:20
13. "Nice Socks" 1:09
14. "Picasso with a Pencil" 1:18
15. "Run the Other Way" 0:24
16. "This World They Created" 1:09
17. "Think "Tree"" 1:45
18. "The Championship Game" 1:47
19. "I'm with "0"" 1:42
20. "The Winning Goal" 1:24
21. "I Let Her Go" 1:22
22. "We Better Get Inside" 2:25
23. "Never Give Up" 1:44
24. "So Much Is Possible" 3:28
Total length: 45:00
Reception[edit]
Critical response[edit]
Dianne Wiest was praised by critics for her performance.
The Odd Life of Timothy Green was met with a mixed to negative reception. Review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes reports that 35% of 127 critics have given the film a positive review, with a rating average of 5.2/10, offering the consensus: "It means well, but The Odd Life of Timothy Green is ultimately too cloyingly sentimental—and thinly scripted—to satisfy all but the least demanding viewers."[13] Mary Pols of Time wrote, "This is a movie about old-time values, a movie with Frank Capra aspirations. But Timothy’s life, his very conception by Zappa and Hedges, is definitely more odd than wonderful."[14] Michael Phillips of the Chicago Tribune, praised the film's art direction and cast, "It's an elegant, honeyed production, photographed (in Georgia) by cinematographer John Toll, and it's full of interesting actors." However, he differed on the script saying, "this fable of the gifted child doesn't go for the throat as it goes about its odd business."[15] Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times was more enthusiastic in his 3½ star review, calling it "a warm and lovely fantasy... on a picture-postcard farm in the middle of endlessly rolling hills where it is always Indian Summer" adding that "instead of being simpleminded like too many family films, it treats the characters with care and concern." [16]
Box office[edit]
The film had a $2.3 million debut on August 15.[17] It made $7.6 million in three days and finished the five-day weekend off with $15,100,918 domestically.[18] The film grossed $51.9 million in North America.[4]
Home media[edit]
The Odd Life of Timothy Green was released by Walt Disney Studios Home Entertainment on Blu-ray and DVD on December 4, 2012.
Accolades[edit]
Year
Award
Category
Recipient
Result
Ref.
2013 Young Artist Award Best Performance in a Feature Film - Leading Young Actor Ten and Under CJ Adams Won [19]
Best Performance in a Feature Film - Supporting Young Actress Odeya Rush Nominated
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c DeFore, John (August 12, 2012). "The Odd Life of Timothy Green: Film Review". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved March 28, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Kit, Borys (November 1, 2010). "EXCLUSIVE: 'The Odd Life of Timothy Green' Finds Its Father". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 8, 2011.
Jump up ^ O, Courtney. "The Odd Life of Timothy Green Finds Joel Edgerton". MovieWeb.com. Retrieved May 12, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b "The Odd Life of Timothy Green (2012)". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved March 27, 2013.
Jump up ^ Mandrell, Andrea (November 8, 2011). "Sneak Peek: 'The Odd Life of Timothy Green'". USAToday.com. Retrieved November 9, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c Fischer, Russ (August 8, 2011). "'The Odd Life of Timothy Green' Trailer: Who's That Kid?". /Film. Retrieved November 9, 2011.
Jump up ^ Zulian, Paula (August 13, 2012). "'The Odd Life of Timothy Green' Director Peter Hedges on Bringing His Baby to Life (Video)". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 14, 2012.
Jump up ^ Kit, Borys (June 11, 2009). "Hedges on tap for Zappa's 'Odd' movie idea". Reuters. Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 18, 2012.
Jump up ^ Kit, Borys. "Hedges on tap for Zappa's 'Odd' movie idea". Reuters.com. Retrieved August 18, 2012.
Jump up ^ Pincus-Roth, Zachary (March 21, 2007). "Color Purple Producer Sanders Partners With Disney on Film and Theatre Company". Playbill. Retrieved March 28, 2016.
Jump up ^ Rosenbloom, Etan. "Geoff Zanelli on The Odd Life of Timothy Green". ASCAP. Retrieved 27 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "'The Odd Life of Timothy Green' Soundtrack Announced". Film Music Reporter. Retrieved 27 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "The Odd Life of Timothy Green". Rotten Tomatoes. Flixster. Retrieved August 15, 2012.
Jump up ^ Pols, Mary (August 14, 2012). "The Odd Life of Timothy Green: A Fairy Tale for the Infertile". Time. Retrieved August 14, 2012.
Jump up ^ Phillips, Michael (August 14, 2012). "'Odd Life of Timothy Green' a tale of a little green sprout". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved August 14, 2012.
Jump up ^ Ebert, Roger (August 14, 2012). "The Odd Life of Timothy Green". Chicago Sun-Times. Retrieved August 17, 2012.
Jump up ^ Subers, Ray. "Forecast: 'Expendables 2' Set to Blow Up the Box Office This Weekend". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Subers, Ray. "Friday Report: 'Expendables 2' Leads, 'Bourne' Bleeds". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "34th Annual Young Artist Awards". YoungArtistAwards.org. Retrieved 2013-03-31.
External links[edit]
Official website
The Odd Life of Timothy Green on IMDb
The Odd Life of Timothy Green at AllMovie
hide
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Peter Hedges
Films directed
Pieces of April (2003)
Dan in Real Life (2007)
The Odd Life of Timothy Green (2012)
Ben Is Back (2018)
Written only
What's Eating Gilbert Grape (1993)
A Map of the World (1999)
About a Boy (2002)
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